Glass 
Book 







COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT 






THE PSYCHOLOGY OF CHILDHOOD 



Brief Course Series in Education 

EDITED BY 

PAUL MONROE, Ph.D. 



BRIEF COURSE IN THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION 

Paul Monroe, Ph.D., Professor of the History of Educa- 
tion, Teachers College, Columbia University. 

BRIEF COURSE IN THE TEACHING PROCESS 

George D. Strayer, Ph.D., Professor of Educational Ad- 
ministration, Teachers College, Columbia University. 

THE PSYCHOLOGY OF CHILDHOOD 

Naomi Norsworthy, Ph.D., formerly Associate Professor 
of Educational Psychology, and Mary Theodora Whit- 
ley, Ph.D., Assistant Professor of Education, Teachers 
College, Columbia University. 

BRIEF COURSE IN THE PHILOSOPHY OF EDUCATION 
John Dewey, Ph.D., LL.D., Professor of Philosophy, Co- 
lumbia University. Iti preparation. 



BRIEF COURSE SERIES IN EDUCATION 

THE PSYCHOLOGY OF 
CHILDHOOD 



BY 



NAOMI NORSWORTHY, Ph.D. 

FORMERLY ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF EDUCATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY 
TEACHERS COLLEGE, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 



MARY THEODORA WHITLEY, Ph.D. 

ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF EDUCATION 
TEACHERS COLLEGE, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 



THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 

1918 

All rights reserved 









b 



Copyright, 1918, 
By THE M ACM ILL AN COMPANY. 



Set up and electrotyped. Published August, 1918. 



AUG 26 1318 



NortoootJ IDrras 

J. S. Cushing Co. — Berwick & Smith Co. 

Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. 



©CI.A501593 



PREFATORY NOTE 

The first rough draft of part of this book was prepared by- 
Professor Norsworthy in 19 13, when it was suddenly put 
aside on account of illness and never thereafter touched. 
Some of it was later incorporated into the text "How to 
Teach," by Strayer and Norsworthy. When in 1916 it was 
urged that the preparation be resumed, since there seemed 
to be a felt need for a book of this type for use in normal 
schools, Miss Norsworthy's own physical condition precluded 
the attempt. Less than a fortnight before her death, when 
she was unable to talk over any details, she requested me to 
complete the work as arranged for in the plan of chapter 
titles. The task has involved a revision, partial rewriting, 
and the addition of several chapters. This may explain 
discrepancies in point of view and in style for which I can 
but apologize. Miss Norsworthy's many friends, to whom 
this book is affectionately dedicated, will, I am sure, under- 
stand that any adverse criticisms should be directed towards 
the reviser. 

I am indebted for valuable help to Professor E. L. Thorn- 
dike, not only in retaining the many quotations from his 
works, and in the organization of the early part of the book, 
but also for much friendly criticism. My thanks are due 
also to Professors Strayer and Monroe, to Dr. Hollingworth 
for suggestions in chapter XVI, and to my cousin for assist- 
ance in proof reading. 

Mary Theodora Whitley. 



INTRODUCTION 

This book is written with a view to its use in normal schools. 
A course in general psychology is presupposed, since no space 
is devoted to the explanation of common psychological terms, 
though a glossary is added for easy reference. The authors 
are of opinion that the study of a special branch, such as 
child psychology, should follow rather than precede, or even 
accompany, a study of the more general science. 

It is intended for a textbook, not for reference reading. 
To this end special features have been employed, e.g. mar- 
ginal questions as well as topical headings, only limited 
references, sets of questions with each chapter. These last 
are of two distinct kinds, "exercises" and "questions for 
discussion." The former consist of problems, queries to be 
answered in writing, directions for observations, field-work ; 
the latter are suggested for oral use in the classroom. Either 
or both kinds are given for each chapter. They have been 
tested by use, and it is believed that greater value will be 
secured if they are utilized in the manner indicated. The 
references following each chapter are in no way supposed to 
be adequate indexes of source material ; but they suggest 
what may reasonably be required of a group of students 
working with a good-sized library at command. 

Constant emphasis has been thrown on the physiological 
basis of the tendencies discussed, and Thorndike's classi- 
fication of instincts, on the basis of the responses made, is 
adhered to throughout. Though in some instances sugges- 
tions for teaching are made, yet the greatest space is devoted 
to a descriptive study of children as differentiated from 
adults. 



viii Introduction 

For immature students it may be found easier to begin 
with chapter II, postponing or omitting chapter I, also the 
last part of chapter XVII which deals wholly with statistics. 

Naomi Norsworthy, 
Mary Theodora Whitley. 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

PREFATORY NOTE v 

INTRODUCTION vii 

CHAPTER I 

THE SOURCE OF ORIGINAL NATURE i 

THE CONTRIBUTION OF NEAR ANCESTRY i 

Resemblance in families i 

Specialised inheritance ....... 3 

Variation 5 

Regression .......... 6 

Non-transmission of acquired traits ..... 6 

Nature versus nurture 7 

---.. Gallon's work 8 

Studies of twins ......... 9 

Study of royalty 10 

THE CONTRIBUTION OF SEX 11 

THE CONTRIBUTION OF RACE 13 

Woodworth's tests 14 

Recent investigations 15 

Improvement of the race as a whole 17 

CONCLUSION 18 

EXERCISES 20 

QUESTIONS .20 

CHAPTER II 

THE CHARACTERISTICS OF ORIGINAL NATURE . . .21 

DEPENDENCE ON PHYSIOLOGICAL STRUCTURE . 21 

TYPES OF ORIGINAL RESPONSES 22 

CHARACTERISTICS OF ORIGINAL RESPONSES ... 23 

They are mechanical 23 

They are constant 24 

They are delayed 26 

They are transitory 27 

They are crude 29 

METHODS OF MODIFYING ORIGINAL NATURE . . 29 

Disuse or stimulation ........ 30 

Unpleasant or pleasant results 31 

Substitution and sublimation 31 

ix 



x Contents 

PAGE 

REASONS FOR DELAYEDNESS AND TRANSITORINESS OF 

INSTINCTS 32 

Recapitulation theory 32 

Evidence stated and criticized 33 

EMBRYOLOGY 34 

VESTIGIAL STRUCTURES 35 

VESTIGIAL PSYCHOSES 36 

Derived, culture epoch theory 37 

Utility theory 38 

QUESTIONS 4C 

CHAPTER in 

TENDENCIES RESULTING IN ACTION. NON-SOCLAL IN- 
STINCTS 41 

GENERAL PHYSICAL ACTIVITY 42 

Bodily movements 42 

Theory — fundamental to accessory 43 

Provision for this instinct 46 

Vocalization .......... 46 

Manipulation 48 

FOOD-GETTING AND HUNTING 49 

TEASING 51 

OWNERSHIP AND COLLECTING 52 

Training needed ......... 53 

Changes with age ......... 53 

FIGHTING 54 

Training needed 56 

exercises 57 

questions 58 

CHAPTER IV 

THE SOCIAL INSTINCTS 59 

MOTHERLY BEHAVIOR 59 

Kindliness 60 

Sympathy ........... 61 

GREGARIOUSNESS 63 

Value for development ........ 63 

Importance in child life 64 

DESIRE FOR APPROVAL AND DISPLAY .... 66 

Differences with maturity ........ 66 

RIVALRY 68 

Dynamic value .......... 69 

Danger of over-development 69 



Contents xi 

PAGE 

IMITATION AS AN INSTINCT . 70 

It is specialized 71 

Most imitation is due to habit . . . . . 72 

Value of imitation 73 

SEX INSTINCT : . 74 

Stages and fields of development 74 

Normal and abnormal development 75 

Sex education 77 

Training 77 

Instruction 78 

Teacher's duty 79 

EXERCISES 80 

QUESTIONS 8l 



CHAPTER V 

TENDENCIES ACCOMPANIED BY AFFECTIVE STATES . 82 

PHYSIOLOGICAL BASIS FOR SATISFYINGNESS ... 82 

Various theories . . -83 

UTILIZATION OF AFFECTIVE STATES IN EDUCATION . 85 

.ESTHETIC EMOTIONS 87 

Joy in creation not identical with aesthetic pleasure . . 88 

Training aesthetic pleasure 89 

PRIMITIVE EMOTIONS 89 

"General methods of control 91 

Study of fear 93 

Stimuli and responses 93 

Delayed and transitory forms 94 

Control of fear 94 

exercises 95 

QUESTIONS 96 



CHAPTER VI 

TENDENCIES RESULTING IN MENTAL STATES. ATTENTION 97 

ORIGINAL ROOTS OF ATTENTION 97 

Significance of attentiveness 98 

Arousal of instinctive attention ....... 98 

DIFFERENCE BETWEEN ADULTS' AND CHILDREN'S 

ATTENTION 99 

In span or range ......... 99 

Difference in complexity of object 100 

Difference in mechanical habits present . . . .101 

In intensity 102 



Contents 



PAGE 

In duration .......... 103 

Change with maturity 103 

Change with practice . . . . . . . .104 

In breadth of field 104 

In type of attention 105 

In ability to give voluntary attention 106 

Value of forced attention ....... 107 

Effort and interest 108 

Incentives and attention ....... 109 

TRAINING OF ATTENTION no 

QUESTIONS Ill 



CHAPTER VTI 

SENSE PERCEPTION 112 

ORIGINAL ROOTS OF PERCEPTION 112 

DEVELOPMENT OF PERCEPTION 112 

By differences in simultaneous sensations . . . .113 

By improved attentiveness . . . . . . .114 

Resulting differences between adults and children . . . 115 

In richness, defi idleness, detail 115 

In amount of stimulus needed . . . . . .116 

In influence of " mind's set" 116 

CAUSE OF ILLUSIONS II 7 

Specific development 11S 

Brightness, color, space 11S 

Weight 119 

Sound, rhythm 119 

SENSE ORGANS 120 

Eye defects 121 

Myopia, hyperopia, astigmatism . . . . . .121 

Strabismus 121 

Color blindness . . . . . . . . .121 

Ear defects 122 

TRAINING IN PERCEPTION 123 

Necessity of training ......... 123 

Types of observation 124 

Inquiring or purposeful 124 

Non-purposive . . . . . . . . .124 

Purposive 124 

Individual differences in perception 125 

Improvement in observation ....... 12b 

Teaching suggestions u; 

EXERCISES 129 

QUESTIONS I30 



Contents xiii 



CHAPTER VIII 

PAGE 

MEMORY 131 

PHYSIOLOGICAL BASIS OF MEMORY 131 

IMMEDIATE MEMORY AND RETENTION . . . .131 

Difference between children and adults 132 

Suggestions for teaching 133 

MEMORY FOR VARIED MATERIAL 134 

Ages of development 134 

Teaching suggestions 136 

RELATION OF RATE OF LEARNING TO RETENTION . 137 

MEMORIZING 138 

Distributed or continuous method 138 

Repetition, concentration or recall 140 

Whole or part method 142 

Variation in sense appeal 143 

OTHER FACTORS INFLUENCING MEMORY . . .144 

PRESENT STATUS OF MEMORY WORK IN SCHOOL . 145 

QUESTIONS 147 

CHAPTER IX 

IMAGINATION 149 

ORIGINAL BASIS OF IMAGINATION 149 

DIFFERENCES BETWEEN CHILDREN AND ADULTS . . 150 

In kind of images used 150 

Children visualize more 150 

Children use concrete imagery more 151 

TRAINING IN VERBAL IMAGERY 152 

Characteristics of different periods 154 

VALUE OF PRODUCTIVE IMAGERY 1 56 

POSSIBLE DANGERS IN THE ADOLESCENT PERIOD . -157 

In vividness of images 159 

Resulting confusions ........ 159 

" lies " . . . ' 160 

NIGHT FEARS 162 

IMAGINARY COMPANIONS 1 63 

In amount of imagery 164 

DRAMATIZATION 164 

SYMBOLISM 166 

EXERCISES 167 

QUESTIONS : l6S 

CHAPTER X 

THINKING 169 

ORIGINAL BASIS OF POWER TO THINK . . . .169 

It develops early 170 



xiv Contents 



PAGE 

DIFFERENCES BETWEEN ADULTS AND CHILDREN . . 171 

Children think less than adults do 171 

Most needed reactions are mechanical . . . . .172 

Environment inhibits it 172 

Discomfort results . . . . . . . 173 

Children's thinking is inaccurate 176 

Their fads are limited 176 

Their premises are inaccurate 176 

Their attention is less concentrated 177 

They do not systematize 178 

They associate by wholes 179 

They lack a critical attitude 179 

Children's problems are different 181 

Triviality is a relative term . . . . . .181 

No abrupt change at adolescence 182 

NEED OF TRAINING IN THINKING 183 

EXERCISES 184 

QUESTIONS lS6 



CHAPTER XI 

GENERAL TENDENCIES OF ALL THE TENDENCIES. HABIT 

AND LEARNING 187 

PLASTICITY THE PHYSIOLOGICAL BASIS OF HABIT- 
FORMING 187 

Variation in plasticity 188 

Age differences in plasticity iSf. 

Periods of greater plasticity 189 

Suggestions for training 189 

LAWS OF HABIT FORMING 191 

Exercise and effect 191 

Precepts derived therefrom 192 

The full nerve circuit must be used 192 

Take economic means to desired result . . . .192 

Contrive pleasant results after right response . . . 193 

Law of primacy 194 

Other principles 196 

IMPROVEMENT .196 

Laboratory and school compared 197 

Consciousness of definite goal 197 

Speedy working of law of effect 19S 

Desire to improve 198 

Interest in work 199 



Contents xv 



PAGE 

The practice curve 200 

Sharp slant at first 200 

Plateaus 200 

Muscular skill 201 

IMPORTANCE OF HABITS 203 

EXERCISES 203 



CHAPTER XII 

PLAY 206 

THEORIES OF PLAY 206 

Excess energy 206 

Preparation for life 207 

Atavistic theory . . . . . . . . . 207 

Motive of rivalry 208 

Biological theory ......... 209 

MEANING OF TERM "PLAY" 210 

Not one instinct but a field for many 211 

Amusement, games, sports . . . . . . .211 

Play, work, and drudgery 212 

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PLAY SPIRIT 215 

AGE DIFFERENCES IN PLAY INTERESTS . . . .216 

DIRECTED PLAY 219 

Provision of space ......... 219 

Supervision, wise and unwise . 220 

EXERCISES 222 

QUESTIONS - 223 



CHAPTER XIII 

SEQUENT TENDENCIES. MORAL AND RELIGIOUS DE- 
VELOPMENT 224 

DEFINITION OF MORAL TENDENCY 224 

Intelligence a factor . . . . . . . . .224 

Personal choice 224 

Individual responsibility . . . . . . . .225 

Habituated action 226 

Social relationship 227 

Historic changes 228 

Racial differences 228 

Size of group : 228 

Distinction from immorality 229 

Dependence on instinct ........ 229 

QUESTIONS 230 



Contents 



PAGE 

RELIGIOUS TENDENCY 230 

Meaning of term "religion" ....... 230 

Acts involved 231 

Emotions 232 

Intellectual factors 232 

Essentials 232 

Experience 232 

Realization of opposing forces 233 

Habits, knowledge, and thinking 233 

Religion includes morality 234 

Connection with instincts 234 

Need of training 235 

questions 236 

TRAINING IN MORALS AND RELIGION . . .236 

Principles concerned 236 

Laws involved are not new 237 

Apperception ......... 238 

Suggestion 240 

Habit formation 240 

effect 240 

EXERCISE 241 

Full neurone circuit to be used . . . . . .242 

Individual differences 243 

Transfer of training ........ 243 

Training and instruction at different ages .... 244 

Stages not sharply defined 244 

Early years 245 

NON-MORAL 245 

Middle stage 247 

CHARACTERISTICS 247 

TRAINING 248 

INSTRUCTION 249 

Transition period 251 

Adolescent period 252 

CHARACTERISTICS 252 

TREATMENT 253 

EXERCISES 256 

QUESTIONS 257 



CHAPTER XW 

PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHILD . . .258 

GOOD HEALTH AS A SCHOOL RESPONSIBILITY . 25S 

Interdependence of mind and body 259 

Happiness depends on it 260 



Contents xvii 

PAGE 

Economic conditions 260 

Organization, and demands of school life . . . .261 
PHYSICAL DIFFERENCES BETWEEN CHILDREN AND 

ADULTS 262 

FACTS OF PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT 263 

Factors determining : heredity and environment . . 263 

Growth in height and weight 265 

Growth and development of various parts .... 267 

Physiological and chronological age 268 

CONSTRUCTIVE MEASURES FOR IMPROVEMENT OF 

HEALTH 270 

Inspection, hygiene, special studies 270 

Recognition of defects 271 

Teeth 271 

Speech 272 

Adenoids, tonsils . . . • . . . . -273 

Tuberculosis 275 

Contagious diseases 276 

exercises ■ 277 



y 



CHAPTER XV 

CROSS-SECTION OF CHILD LIFE AT FIVE AND AT 

ELEVEN 280 

CHILD LIFE AT FIVE .280 

Physically ........... 280 

Socially 281 

Standards to he set 283 

Play interests 284 

Instincts prominent 286 

Mental characteristics 287 

Mental tests 289 

CHILD LIFE AT ELEVEN 290 

Physically 290 

Socially 292 

Moral development 294 

Moral standards 295 

Play interests 297 

Instincts prominent 298 

Mental characteristics 303 

Mental tests . . . 305 

School standards in various countries 305 

EXERCISE 308 

QUESTIONS 308 



Contents 



CHAPTER XVI 

PAGE 

EXCEPTIONAL CHILDREN 310 

BOUNDARIES OF ORDINARY AND EXCEPTIONAL . . 310 

EXCEPTIONAL MORALITY 311 

Causes 313 

Diagnosis . . . . . . . . . . .313 

Treatment 314 

EXCEPTIONAL PHYSICAL CONDITIONS 315 

Epilepsy 315 

Kinds and cause 315 

Diagnosis and treatment 315 

Hysteria 316 

Characteristics . . . . . . . . .316 

Diagnosis and treatment 316 

Chorea 317 

Symptoms and treatment 317 

Tics 317 

Neurasthenia 318 

Characteristics and cause 318 

Diagnosis 318 

Treatment 319 

Dementia pracox 3 Z 9 

EXCEPTIONAL MENTALITY 320 

Subnormal mentality 320 

Degrees classified 3 2 ° 

Physical characteristics 322 

Mental characteristics 3 22 

Cause 323 

Diagnosis 3 2 4 

WHO SHOULD MAKE IT 3 2 4 

HOW IT IS MADE 3 2 5 

Treatment 3 2 $ 

Retarded children 3 2 7 

Supernormal mentality 3 2 & 

Characteristics • • 3 2 8 

Causes 3 2 9 

Diagnosis 3 2 9 

Treatment 33° 

PROVISION FOR EXCEPTIONAL CHILDREN . . . .331 

Special institutions 33 l 

Methods of grading 332 

EXERCISES Hi 

QUESTIONS 334 



Contents xix 



CHAPTER XVII 

PAGE 

METHODS USED IN CHILD PSYCHOLOGY . . . .335 
CONTENT DERIVED FROM OTHER KINDS OF PSY- 
CHOLOGY 335 

METHODS COMMON TO OTHER KINDS OF PSYCHOLOGY 336 

Introspection 336 

Reminiscence 337 

Questionnaire ......... 337 

Observation 338 

Free activity or directed response 338 

Extensive or intensive 339 

Experiment 340 

Qualitative or quantitative 340 

Tests and scales 341 

Purpose of scales 341 

Training in administering tests 342 

exercises 343 

questions 345 

STATISTICAL METHODS 346 

Noting the number 347 

Noting the range 347 

Meaning of units used 34g 

Central tendency 350 

Mode 3 S o 

Median 



INTERPOLATED MEDIAN 



351 

352 

Average 353 

Comparison of three kinds 354 

Deviations from the central tendency 355 

Average deviation 356 



Median deviation 



357 



Comparison of groups 358 

Measurement of resemblance, correlation .... 359 
exercises pp. 3 49) 3 SO - I -3_4_ 7 _8_g > 3 6! 

GLOSSARY 363 



INDEX 



369 



PSYCHOLOGY OF CHILDHOOD 

CHAPTER I 
SOURCE OF ORIGINAL NATURE 

THE CONTRIBUTION OF NEAR ANCESTRY. — It is a 

fact so generally accepted that children resemble their parents 
that to utter it, much less dwell upon it, seems at WMt ma 
first hardly necessary. " A chip of the old block," a child in- 
" his father's own child " are maxims of the race. hent from 

, , , i . r • • i i his parents? 

Accepted though this fact is in theory, however, 
much of our treatment of children ignores it, and some of 
the commonly accepted aims of education are a distinct 
repudiation of it. Yet the resemblances in families are 
among some of the most striking facts of common observation. 
In the realm of the physical we find resemblance in all of the 
features, eye and hair color, stature, cephalic index, shape of 
hands or face, so much so that a child is often said to be the 
" exact image " of father or grandmother because of this 
closeness of likeness. Just as good eyesight and longevity 
are family characteristics, so also color blindness, left-handed- 
ness, some slight peculiarity of structure such as an extra finger 
or toe, or the Hapsburg lip, sense defects such as deafness or 
blindness, tendencies to certain diseases, especially those of 
the nervous system, — all these run in families. Certain men- 
tal traits likewise are obviously handed down from parents to 
child, such as strong will, memory for faces, musical imagi- 
nation, abilities in mathematics or the languages, artistic 
talent. In these ways and many others children resemble their 
parents. The same general law holds of likes and dislikes, 



2 Psychology of Childhood 

of temperamental qualities such as quick temper, vivacity, 
lovableness, moodiness. In all traits, characteristics, features, 
powers both physical and mental, and to some extent moral 
also, children's original nature, their stock in trade, is deter- 
mined by their immediate ancestry. " We inherit our parents' 
tempers, our parents' conscientiousness, shyness and ability 
as we inherit their stature, forearm and span," says Pearson. 1 
But the original nature in terms of family inheritance is not 
determined merely by the natures of the parents : there are 
What may tw0 ^ nes °^ ancestors concerned in the production 
each parent of every child. Sir Francis Galton, in his re- 
C tothe make- searches on heredity, reached the conclusion that 
up of a one half of a child's original equipment was due to 

the influence of his parents, one fourth to his grand- 
parents, one eighth to his great-grandparents and so on back 
in geometric ratio. Thus it sometimes happens that though 
a child appears to be a changeling, like no near relative, yet 
an investigation into the ancestral lines will usually explain 
the nature that seems a riddle when considering only the 
parent. The question as to whether inheritance is " blended " 
or " alternate " has as yet received no definite answer. Sup- 
pose one parent to have a given amount of a certain trait, 
and the other parent to have a given amount of an opposite 
one, the question is, will the child inherit one or the other 
trait, or will he inherit a compound of the two ? In some cases 
a child " takes after " his mother, in others his father, and 
sometimes it seems that he is a combination of mother and 
father. It may be true that certain traits follow the first 
method, and others the second. The pigmentation of eyes 
and hair seems to follow the first, and stature seems to follow 
either of the laws. Then again, since a given trait in the off- 
spring may be an inheritance from grand- or great-grand- 
parent, it might appear neither as blend nor as alternate but 
some other thing. 

1 Pearson, Huxley Lecture, '03. Journal Anth. Inst. 32. 



Source of Original Nature 3 

Mendel's law l explains very clearly how these traits may 
occur in children, making them surprisingly unlike either 
parent in this one particular trait, but entirely like some 
ancestor of three or four generations ago. It is very difficult 
to discern which method is followed by mental and tempera- 
mental traits, and at present nothing definite is known, 
because of the complexity of the thing called a trait or a 
characteristic. Each amount of every trait has, in Mendelian 
terms, a certain determiner in the germs which go to make 
the individual; each determiner may be either a unit or 
multiple, and again it may be either variable or invariable. 
Just what is the determiner that is effective in producing 
leadership, or gentleness, or quick temper, or energy, is not 
known ; and therefore its nature, as to whether unitary or 
multiple, and the laws governing its transmission, are equally 
unknown. Certain features and traits of plants and animals 
have been analyzed into their unit characters, and the de- 
terminers of these have been controlled by those interested 
in the breeding of a certain stock, but with the human ani- 
mal and with the more complex traits of the lower animals, 
hardly more than a beginning has been made. 

Specialized inheritance. — Granted that near ancestry has 
much to do with the make-up of the original nature of 
a child, the question naturally follows as to whether specific 
traits, the specialization of ability, is also the result of family 

1 When two varieties of a species, having different characteristics, are crossed 
in breeding, the resulting hybrid generation resembles one parent, the "domi- 
nant"; the "recessive" characteristic of the other is apparently suppressed, 
but is really latent, for it will appear in later generations. When the hybrids 
are inbred, 25 per cent of their offspring have the "recessive" characteristic of 
one grandparent, 25 per cent have the "dominant" characteristic of the other. 
The other 50 per cent may either resemble the hybrid parents, or be indis- 
tinguishable from the 25 per cent "dominants" till they in turn produce another 
generation. Thus, black (dominant) Andalusian fowls mated with white (re- 
cessive) produce nothing but slaty blue. The blue hybrids, if mated, produce 
in a brood of twelve, three white, three black, and six blue. 

See Punnet, Mendelism, pp. 17-78 for a full account. 



4 Psychology of Childhood 

inheritance. Does the inheritance from near ancestry simply 
lay down the general lines of development, give the direction 
is inherit- or tne tempo of attainment, provide the total 
ance special amount of energy, make one a genius, without de- 
or general? termining m what spe cial field the gift is to be 
manifested? In other words, is inheritance merely in terms 
of the general or is it highly specialized? 

All the investigations made up to the present show de- 
cisively that the inheritance is very highly specialized. Galton 
in his " Hereditary Genius " x shows that " out of 286 judges, 
more than one in every nine of them have been either father, 
son or brother to another judge." Concerning the relatives 
of eminent statesmen, he says : " The combination of high 
intellectual gifts, tact in dealing with men, power of expres- 
sion in debate, and ability to endure exceedingly hard work, 
is hereditary." He finds similar specialization of ability in 
the careers of the relatives of great commanders and literary 
men. Galton and Ellis emphasize the fact that painters 
form a group in which the specialization of abilities in families 
is most striking. Nine painters of great merit are found in 
the family of Titian ; and Raphael, Van Dyck, Murillo like- 
wise belonged to families celebrated for their artistic genius. 
In a list of forty-two families Galton found twenty-one who 
had illustrious relatives. In musical genius the same special- 
ization in inheritance is found. " Beginning with Weit Bach 
the Prisburg baker, we have a record of an unbroken line of 
musicians of the same name that for nearly two centuries 
overran Thuringia, Saxony and Franconia. In the family 
there were twenty-nine eminent musicians. The names of 
Beethoven, Mendelssohn, Mozart and Haydn represent 
families famed for their musical abilities." 2 

The investigations of the special abilities of school children 
of the same family point to the same general truth. Pearson 
found that inheritance in such traits as popularity, temper, 

1 Pages 62 and 104. 2 Bolton, Principles of Education, p. 190. 



Source of Original Nature 5 

handwriting was to almost the same degree as in stature and 
eye color. Burris found that superiority in one single high- 
school study is nearly or quite as much a matter of heredity 
as is general ability to do well in school work. This special- 
ization in inheritance obviously explains the fact that two 
children of one family alike in one trait as a result of heredity 
may be quite unlike in other traits. Even twins who may be 
similar in physical traits may be dissimilar in mental. Two 
children may both be good spellers, yet one quick and the 
other slow in reaction time : both may have quick tempers 
and one possess the power to control it which the other lacks. 
Thus, upon analysis, the fact of a child's resemblance to his 
parents is seen to be in reality the sum total of his physical 
and mental traits, each resembling, more or less in inde- 
pendence of other traits, the corresponding trait in either 
parent, or some more remote ancestor. 

Variation. — The working of the law of resemblance in 
families is sometimes obscured by two other principles — 
namely, the principle of variation and the principle of return 
towards the average. The first of these principles involves 
the fact that a parent will produce offspring in whom his 
own traits will be approximated rather than duplicated. If 
it were possible to grade these traits on a very fine scale, we 
should find the ratings of the children's traits varying about 
the point near which the parent's rating occurred, that is 
to say, not just exactly at the same point. Thus it comes 
that no two natures are identical. Even in the case of " iden- 
tical twins " where the antenatal influences are so nearly the 
same, the natures may vary widely. And this must be so 
long as the germs producing the individual vary. Two 
children of very different, almost opposing natures, may be 
found in the same family, and this fact instead of a contra- 
diction is really a proof of the closeness of family inheritance, 
as it is also a proof of the complexity and variability of the 
germs which produce human nature. Because of this vari- 



6 Psychology of Childhood 

ability, stupid parents may have gifted sons, quick-tempered 
parents stolid sons, short parents tall sons, inartistic parents 
artistic sons. 

Regression. — The other principle of return towards the 
average is one that arouses the comment of even the unob- 
serving. It is the exception to find the child of a great genius 
possessing ability equal to his father's, no matter in what 
the genius may be displayed. Abilities die out, even in 
thoroughbreds of racing stock when all precautions are 
taken with respect to breeding and training. That is, the 
ratings of children do not cluster immediately about the 
station occupied by their exceptional parents, but about a 
point somewhere between the extreme position occupied by 
their parents and the average. For example, the records of 
height of the children of a man three inches taller than the 
average will not cluster about that point, but about a point 
one or two inches above the average. This principle, other 
things being equal, is effective whether the rating be above 
or below the average, but other things are not always equal 
at the lower end of the scale. Thus nature in the working 
of the laws of heredity is always pulling towards the average 
and so providing for solidarity and balance ; at the same 
time, because of the principle of variation, new possibilities, 
genius, and talent are continually being produced. 

Non-transmission of acquired traits. — The question as to 
whether the original nature of a child is directly influenced 
by the acquisition of the parents has been hotly 
parent discussed. Practically stated, the question is, can 

transmit a man pass on to his offspring only the nature that 
a xquirel? ne inherits, or also any acquisition or skill that has 
come as a result of education or training? For 
example, would the son of a man born at the height of his 
father's success as a writer be more likely to inherit literary 
ability than one born at the beginning of his career? Of 
course the obvious way to solve this question is by experi- 



Source of Original Nature 7 

ment, by allowing generation after generation — all the 
members of each — to acquire a certain habit, and then 
testing to see whether the acquisitions come more rapidly 
as generation succeeds generation. No decisive experiments 
have been carried out, although attempts along this line 
have been made. 1 The conclusion must therefore rest at 
present on merely theoretic grounds, and in consequence 
be but tentative. Following Lamarck, a school of psycholo- 
gists and biologists declare their belief in the possibility and 
the fact of the transmission of acquired traits. Weismann 
and those who follow him take the opposite side of the ques- 
tion and declare that such transmission is impossible. Such 
facts as these: a parent is an expert baseball pitcher, and 
his son excels in the same line also ; a parent is expert in the 
use of her needle, and her daughter shows the same trait ; 
a parent is an expert linguist, and the children have the same 
talent, — all, according to Weismann, would be explained 
by the same reason, namely : because the characteristic was 
a part of the original equipment of each generation, a result, 
in other words, of heredity. The human race has changed 
from primitive times, language and culture have grown up, 
such facts as walking in an upright position and using the 
hands dexterously have attained their perfection, the traits 
of intellect and character have outgrown those of brute 
strength and sagacity, not as a matter of transmission directly 
from generation to generation, but as a result of gradually 
changing social conditions, and the working of the law of 
selection. " Not the inheritance of acquisitions, but the 
selection of those who could acquire." 2 

Nature versus nurture. — The discussion so far has been 
emphasizing the importance and the strength of family in 
determining the original nature of the individual. As an 
outcome of such discussion the questions naturally arise, — 

1 For a full account, see J. A. Thomson, Heredity, ch. VII. 
* Thorndike, Original Nature of Man, p. 233. 



8 Psychology of Childhood 

Is a man then what he is because of his family? or Does his 
training or his environment influence his attainment, and if 

so, to what extent? In other words, the question 
or mature ra ised is as to the relative importance of nature 
the stronger and nurture. The first and even now the most 
nant!T~ comprehensive study of this question is the work 

done by Sir Francis Gallon in his book entitled 
" Hereditary Genius." He examined the careers of the 
relatives of 977 men of genius, each of whom would be ranked 
as one in four thousand for intellectual attainment, and then 
compared with these the careers of the relatives of 977 men 
of average ability of the same social rank. If nurture is the 
stronger factor, the proportion of eminent men in the two 
groups should be approximately the same, for the nurture 
was that of families of the same social standing in England. 
His results were as follows : In the first group he found 89 
fathers, 114 brothers, 129 sons, — a total of 332 men of 
eminence; 52 grandfathers, 37 grandsons, 53 uncles, 61 
nephews, — a total of 203 men of eminence. The 977 eminent 
men had 535 eminent relatives. In the second group he found 
one father, brother, or son; three grandfathers, grandsons, 
uncles, and nephews together. The 977 average men of the 
same social standing had but four eminent relatives. To some 
people this may not be convincing, for the plea is made that 
the surroundings of a child in the family of an eminent man 
cannot be the same as those in the family when the ability 
of parents is only average, despite a similarity in social rank. 
This objection may be answered by Galton's study of the 
adopted sons of popes. In different centuries boys were 
adopted by men of undoubted ability, brought up in the 
atmosphere of the highest culture, intellectual and executive 
attainment of their times ; yet history does not record that 
any achieved the degree of eminence reached by the real 
sons of gifted men. Nature, not nurture, seems to be the 
determining factor. 



Source of Original Nature 9 

Studies of twins. — Thorndike studied fifty pairs of twins 
taken from the New York public schools to see whether 
there was a greater degree of resemblance between them 
than between other brothers and sisters. A greater similarity 
between them would mean that nature was stronger than 
nurture, for it is in a greater identity of nature that twins 
differ from ordinary siblings. The results obtained are 
shown in the following table. 1 R means the resemblance 
found between the twins. 

In the A test R = .69 

In the a-t and r-e tests R = .71 
In the misspelled word test R = .80 plus 
In addition R = .75 

In multiplication R = .84 

In the opposite test R = .90 

For the ordinary siblings but a few years apart in age in 
the tests that have been made the resemblance is less than 
half as great. Thorndike gives two additional reasons for 
believing that this close similarity could not have been caused 
by environmental conditions. In the first place, were en- 
vironment the cause, the longer it had to act the greater 
should grow the resemblance, and twins of 13 and 14 years 
old should be more alike than those of 9 and 10. This is 
not found to be the case. In the second place, if training 
is the cause the traits that are much open to the influences of 
training should show a greater similarity than those little 
subject to training ; they do not show any greater similarity, 
however. Thorndike's evidence is then in accord with Gal- 
ton's conclusion : namely, that nature is the prepotent in- 
fluence in determining intellectual ability. Pearson and 
Heymans and Wiersma studied the same question by having 
teachers, physicians, or members of the family rate the chil- 
dren in the family, or the parents and children, on certain 
1 Thorndike, A Study of Twins. 



io Psychology of Childhood 

qualities and traits; the degree of likeness being considered 
a measure of the effect of heredity. Both these studies are 
open to criticism, but it is believed their results show that 
heredity far outweighs the influence of home training. 

Studies in royalty. — Dr. Frederick Adams Woods in his 
study of " Mental and Moral Heredity in Royalty " reaches 
the same conclusion. He chose 671 persons in the royal 
families of Europe in general from as far back as the sixteenth, 
in some cases from the eleventh, century. He gave each a 
rating determined as objectively as possible on the scale of 
from 1 to 10 in intellect, also another rating in morality; 
then he studied the distribution of the ratings. The degree 
to which certain ratings cluster in families shows the influence 
of heredity, for were that not the influential factor, the various 
grades would be scattered at random. Imagining a complete 
chart to be constructed, large enough to contain all these 671 
people arranged as in the familiar genealogical " tree," he 
says, " if such a great chart were constructed, we should see 
the geniuses, or (9) and (10) grades, not scattered at random 
over its entire surface, but isolated little groups of (9) and 
(10) characters (the individuals within each group contiguous 
to each other) would be found here and there. One such 
group would be seen centering around Frederick the Great, 
another around Queen Isabella of Spain, another in the 
neighborhood of William the Silent, and still a fourth with 
Gustavus Adolphus as a center. . . . Those in the lowest 
grades for intellect would also be found close to others of 
the lowest type, and would fall specifically in Spain and 
Russia. . . . There would be certain regions composed 
almost entirely of grades from (4) to (7). . . . The upshot 
of it all is that as regards intellectual life, environment is a 
totally inadequate explanation. . . . Therefore it would 
seem that we are forced to the conclusion that all these rough 
differences in intellectual activity which are susceptible of 
grading on a scale of ten are due to predetermined differences 



Source of Original Nature n 

in the primary germ cells." l In his conclusion with respect 
to the effect of environment on morality Dr. Woods is less 
emphatic, although he still believes that of the two factors 
" inheritance plays, in the formation of morality, a force 
greater than fifty per cent." However, the fact that he 
finds most of the moral degenerates in families where also 
insanity, epilepsy, or other psychoses are closely associated 
suggests that though in the lower extreme of morals, es- 
pecially when there is hereditary intellectual taint, the con- 
clusion may be in favor of heredity, still in the average person 
with a sound body the effect of environment in determining 
his morality may be greater than 50 per cent. 

THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF SEX. — Another factor op- 
erative in producing the original nature of an individual is 
the fact of sex. That men and women are dif- Jn what 
ferent, that their natures are not the same, has ways may 
long been an accepted fact. Out of this fact of dif- naYnature 
ference have grown many hot discussions as to the differ from 
superiority of one or the other nature as a whole. gir s ? 
The present point of view of scientists seems well expressed 
by Ellis when he says, " We may regard all such discussions 
as absolutely futile and foolish. If it is a question of deter- 
mining the existence and significance of some particular physi- 
cal or psychic sexual difference, a conclusion may not be im- 
possible. To make any broad statement of the phenomena 
is to recognize that no general conclusion is possible. Now 
and again we come across facts which group themselves with 
a certain degree of uniformity, but as we continue, we find 
other equally important facts which group themselves with 
equal uniformity in another sense. The result produces com- 
pensation." 2 

The question of interest then is, what in nature is peculiar 
to the male sex and what to the female ? What traits will be 

1 Woods, Mental and Moral Heredity in Royalty, pp. 265 and 266, and p. 286. 

2 H. Ellis, Man and Woman, p. 449. 



12 Psychology of Childhood 

true of a boy, merely because he is a boy, and vice versa? 
This has been an extremely difficult question to answer, be- 
cause of the difficulty encountered in trying to eliminate the 
influence of environment and training. Boys are what they 
are because of their original nature plus their surroundings. 
Some would claim that could we give boys and girls the same 
surroundings, the same social requirements, the same treat- 
ment from babyhood, there would be no difference in 
the resulting natures. Training undoubtedly accentuates 
inborn sex differences and it is true that a reversal of training 
does lessen this difference ; however, the weight of opinion 
at present is that differences in intellect and character do 
exist because of differences of sex, but that these have been 
unduly magnified. H. B. Thompson, in her investigation 
entitled " The Mental Traits of Sex," finds that " Motor 
ability in most of its forms is better developed in men than in 
women. In strength, rapidity of movement, and rate of 
fatigue, they have a very decided advantage, and in precision 
of movement a slight advantage. . . . The thresholds are on 
the whole lower in women, discriminative sensibility is on the 
whole better in men. . . . All these differences, however, are 
slight. As for the intellectual faculties, women are decidedly 
superior to men in memory, and possibly more rapid in associ- 
ative thinking. Men are probably superior in ingenuity. . . . 
The data on the life of feeling indicate that there is little, if 
any, sexual difference in the degree of domination by emotion, 
and that social consciousness is more prominent in men and 
religious consciousness in women." 1 

Pearson in his measurement of traits, not by objective tests 
but by opinions of people who know the individual, finds that 
boys are more athletic, noisy, self-assertive, self-conscious ; 
less popular, duller in conscience, quicker-tempered, less sullen, 
a little duller intellectually and less efficient in penmanship. 
Heymans and Wiersma, following the same general method as 

1 Thompson, Mental Traits of Sex, pp. 169, 170, 171. 



Source of Original Nature 



13 



Pearson, state as their general conclusions that the female is 
more active, more emotional, and more unselfish than the male. 
" They consider women to be more impulsive, less efficient 
intellectually, and more fickle than men as a result of the first 
two differences mentioned above : to be gifted in music, acting, 
conversation and the invention of stories as a result in part of 
the second difference ; and to think well of people and to be 
easily reconciled to them as a result of the third." l Thorn- 
dike finds the chief differences to be that the female varies 
less from the average standard, is more observant of small 
visual details, less often color-blind, less interested in things 
and their mechanisms, more interested in people and their 
feelings, less given to pursuing^ capturing, and maltreating 
living things, and more given to nursing, comforting, and re- 
lieving them than is the male. H. Ellis considers the chief 
differences to be the less tendency to variability, the greater 
affectability, and the greater primitiveness of the female mind, 
and the less ability shown by women in dealing with the more 
remote and abstract interests in life. All the authors empha- 
size the smallness of the differences ; and after all the striking 
thing is not the differences between the sexes but the great 
difference within the same sex in respect to every mental trait 
tested. The difference of man from man, and woman from 
woman, in any trait is almost as great as the differences be- 
tween the sexes in that trait. Sex can be the cause then of 
only a fraction of the differences between the original nature 
of individuals. 

THE CONTRIBUTION OF RACE. —A third source of 
original nature is race. It has been customary to Are there 
laud the white, and in particular the Anglo-Saxon racial d }fi er ~ 

i .,.,,. „ , r ences in 

race as that in which the intellect has most de- original 
veloped, the race that excels all others in its nature? 
genius, its power to invent and to reason. In contrast to it 

1 Thorndike, Educational Psychology, Vol. 3, p. 200. Heymans and 
Wiersma, Zeitschrift flir Psychologie, Vol. 45. 



14 



Psychology of Childhood 



the darker races have been held up to scorn. The keen sense 
power of the American Indian and the African Kaffir has 
been commented upon and the law of compensation has been 
called upon to explain why they have not progressed further. 
A critical reader will at once note that the evidence upon which 
these deductions are based is almost entirely anecdotal rather 
than scientific, depending upon untrained travelers' tales 
instead of upon objective tests. Hence no allowance has been 
made for training, for customs, or for_surroundings. 

Woodworth's tests. — One of the first serious investiga- 
tions into race differences was made by R. S. Woodworth at 
the St. Louis Exposition in 1904. Summarizing his results 
and those of other investigators as to keenness of senses he 
says : "On the whole, the keenness of the senses seems to 
be about on a par in the various races of mankind." In tests 
of reaction time and power and of making simple judgments 
he found that the " results tend to show that simple sorts of 
judgments, being subject to the same disturbances, proceed 
in the same manner among various peoples : so that the 
similarity of the races in mental processes extends at least a 
step beyond sensation." When it comes to testing general 
intelligence, however, the matter becomes much more com- 
plicated. In reporting on a very simple test of intelligence 
he says : "If their results could be taken at their face value, 
they would indicate differences in intelligence between races, 
giving such groups as the Pygmy and Negrito a low station 
compared with most of mankind." 1 The doubt as to 
whether they can be taken at face value arises from the fact 
that the tests administered may not have been equally fair, 
equally novel to all the races. However, Woodworth's con- 
clusion as to the low rank of the negroid races is borne out by 
such investigations as have been made into the relative stand- 
ings of the white and negro children in the public schools even 
though these may be subjected to the same criticism noted, 
1 R. S. Woodworth, Racial Differences in Mental Traits, pp. 176, 181. 



Source of Original Nature 15 

namely, the conditions may not have been identical. In op- 
position to this H.Ellis says, " The child of many African races 
is scarcely if at all less intelligent than the European child, 
but while the African as he grows up becomes stupid and 
obtuse, and his whole social life ialls into a state of hide-bound 
routine, the European retains much of his child-like vivacity," 1 
a difference then either of nurture and not of original nature, 
or of some hereditary factor curtailing progress after puberty 
in the one case but not in the other. Something has been 
done along the line of comparing the different nations, but no 
definite conclusions have been reached. 

Recent investigations. — More recently there have ap- 
peared a number of studies by Mayo, r Pyle, RoWe, Perring, 
and others dealing with differences between negro and white, 
or Indian and white children in the schools of this country. 
Whether the Binet-Simon tests or the ordinary school grades 
were used as a measure the results appear in favor of the 
whites. Perring, 2 in the schools of Philadelphia, found twice 
as much retardation among negro as among white children, 
also that the amount of retardation, was greater, being two 
years on the average for the negro, one and a half for the white. 
Pyle, 3 as a result of psychological tests given to over four hun- 
dred children of each race in various towns in Missouri, shows 
that the girls in both races were better than the boys, that there 
was less difference between negro and white girls than there 
was between negro and white boys ; that the racial difference 
was greater in the more difficult tests than in the easier ones. 
Taking all tests together, only one fifth of the negro children 
did as well or better than the average of the white children. 
In a later series of tests where there was a more direct measure- 
ment of learning capacity as the effects of environment were 
better eliminated, Pyle says that the negro children showed 

1 Ellis, Man and Woman, p. 446. 

2 Perring, in the Psychological Clinic, 1915, 9. 

3 Pyle, in the Psychological Bulletin, 1915, 1916. 



1 6 Psychology of Childhood 

from three quarters to four fifths the ability of the white chil- 
dren. He notes also that the success of the negro increases 
with a greater proportion of white ancestry. 

Another finding, that the racial difference was less with 
older children than with younger, does not bear out the con- 
clusion reached by Odum, 1 who states that the young negro 
child compares favorably with the white in school attainment, 
yet that with the approach of puberty the mental growth of 
the negro suffers arrest — he appears dull and stupid. On 
this point it is interesting to compare these facts : (i) Among 
adolescent girls tested by Baldwin 2 the negroes did only 62.4 
per cent as much learning work in a given time as did the whites, 
and made 245.3 P er cent more errors. (2) In the high schools 
of New York City, Mayo 3 found that the median mark at- 
tained by the whites was 66, by 150 negroes was 62, with less 
variation. Twenty-nine per cent of the colored children 
reached the median mark of the whites. Although this is bet- 
ter than Pyle's one fifth, and agrees as to the lessened differ- 
ence among the older children, it should be remembered that 
the negroes in the high school probably represent a very much 
higher sampling of their race than do the whites. (3) Appar- 
ently the rate of maturing is more rapid with colored children 
than with white, a condition which does not correlate with the 
highest mental development. (4) Da Rocha says that though 
less subject to epilepsy, the colored children are more subject 
to periodic insanity than are whites. 

Rowe, 4 from using the Binet-Simon tests with 268 Indian 
children, declares that they are both slower, and everywhere 
inferior to the whites ; also that they are weaker in the kind 
of test involving higher mental processes than in those of a 
more purely mechanical nature. He adds that there is more 

1 Odum, Mental and Social Traits of the Negro. 

2 Baldwin, Journal of Educational Psychology, 1013, 4. 

3 Mayo, The Mental Capacity of the American Xegro. 

4 Rowe, Pedagogical Seminary, 1014, 21. 



Source of Original Nature 17 

difference between the Indian and the white child than there 
is between the negro and the white child. 

These are interesting pieces of work ; at present we need 
repeated, extensive studies of a similar character before we 
can consider all the facts as established. 

Improvement of the race as a whole. — Granted that 
human races are much more alike than different, that " there 
is much overlapping and the differences in original nature 
within the same race are, except in extreme cases, many times 
as great as the differences between races as a whole," the fur- 
ther question arises as to whether the human race as such has 
a nature which differentiates it from other animals. Has man 
from earliest times had a nature that is approximately the 
same? The differences between animals and man may be 
slight; it may be true, as Thorndike says, that the chief 
difference between animal brain and human brain is "an 
increase in the number, delicacy, complexity, permanence and 
speed of formation of associations." Again, " Amongst the 
minds of animals that of man leads, not as a demi-god from 
another planet, but as a king from the same race." But is 
there an average or norm for human traits and powers which 
has been more or less constant since primitive man appeared, 
and is it different from that of the animals ? To this question, 
too, no absolute answer can be given. Up to within a few 
years it was current opinion that primitive man was much 
closer akin to the animals than to man of to-day, — that the 
changes in ideals, in customs, in social standards and in in- 
dustries are due to physiological differences in the brain of 
mankind which have gradually been evolved. But to-day, 
in several quarters, especially among anthropologists, doubt 
is being expressed as to whether any fundamental differences 
exist between the original nature of primitive man and that 
of the man of the twentieth century. The fact of the marked 
similarity of the races suggests this conclusion, and further, 
Boas says, expressing doubt as to the gain of modern man in 



1 8 Psychology of Childhood 

intellect and morality over primitive man, — " Before we 
entered into the comparison of the mental life of primitive 
man and of civilized man, we had to clear away a number of 
misconceptions caused by the descriptions of the life of prim- 
itive man. We saw that the oft-repeated claim that he has 
no power to inhibit impulses, no power of attention, no origi- 
nality of thought, no power of clear reasoning, could not be 
maintained ; and that all these faculties are common to prim- 
itive and to civilized man. . . . This led us to a brief con- 
sideration of the question whether the hereditary mental 
faculty was improved by civilization, an opinion that did 
not seem plausible to us." 1 

Race, then, the fact of being a member of the human race, 
bears with it certain capital in terms of original nature. Be- 
cause we are men and women instead of squirrels or elephants, 
we have certain traits, powers, and possibilities ; and the whole 
human race is probably far more on a level so far as this in- 
heritable fund of capacity is concerned than has been com- 
monly supposed. 

CONCLUSIONS. — The whole point of view of this chap- 
ter is to emphasize the facts of original nature and equipment. 
A man is what he is primarily because he is a member of a 
certain family, sex, and race. Those three factors give him 
his inheritance, his capital, his stock in trade, and these birth- 
day gifts bound his ultimate achievement. True, environ- 
ment, training, education, play their part in the production 
of man as we idealize him, but that part is conditioned and 
limited by the nature which is being influenced. In other 
words, though Burbank may produce a prickless thistle by 
careful selection, and though we may improve a variety of 
figs immensely by careful regulation of the environment, yet 
we need never expect to gather figs from thistles, their natures 
being originally so differently determined. 

Thorndike writes : " The importance to educational theory 
1 F. Boas, The Mind of Primitive Man, p. .247. 



Source of Original Nature 19 

of a recognition of the fact of original nature and of exact 
knowledge of its relation, shown in determining life's progress, 
is obvious. It is wasteful to attempt to create and folly to 
pretend to create capacities and interests which are assured 
or denied to an individual before he is born. The environ- 
ment acts for the most part not as a creative force but as a 
stimulating and selective force. We can so arrange the cir- 
cumstances of nurture as to reduce many undesirable activi- 
ties by giving them little occasion for appearance, and to in- 
crease the desirable ones by ensuring them an adequate stim- 
ulus. We can, by the results we artificially attach to wisdom, 
energy or sympathy, select them for continuance in individual 
lives. But the results of our endeavors will forever be limited 
as a whole by . . . inborn talents and defects." l Nor is this 
limitation of human possibilities of growth a pessimistic doc- 
trine. The sure realization of what has always been true is 
not pessimism, nor is it itself any curtailment of actual at- 
tainment. When the differences between the actual life of a 
savage in Central Africa and that of a civilized man are con- 
sidered, the tremendous effect of environment as a stimu- 
lating and selective force on races is overwhelming. And 
when, as James has so effectively pointed out, the differences 
between the ordinary, everyday life of an individual and that 
of the same individual in some great issue of life are considered, 
the probabilities of unknown and unused levels of energy and 
force in every human creature seem indisputable. The edu- 
cator has still a task of infinite magnitude amid unknown 
potentialities, and to make due allowance for the sources 
and limitations of original nature will but make his work 
more effective and less wasteful. The recognition of the 
respective parts played by nature and nurture make it im- 
perative for him to know the child mind in terms of its 
equipment, and to know the laws by means of which it may 
be changed. 

1 Thorndike, Educational Psychology, p. 44. 1903 edition. 



20 Psychology of Childhood 

Exercises 

i. a. In studying heredity, one could easily breed twenty 
generations of mice or rabbits ; twenty human generations would 
take over 600 years. This illustrates one difficulty in the way of 
accurate knowledge of human inheritance. What others occur 
to you? 

b. To prove Mendelian inheritance in two simple, unvariable 
units, we need 16 offspring, for three units we should need 64; 
what further difficulty does that suggest ? 

c. In what way does Woods' study escape some of the diffi- 
culties you have mentioned ? 

2. a. What facts about immediate family inheritance would 
a teacher be wise to discover about the children in her charge? 

b. What facts should any one offering vocational guidance find 
out about the heredity of the young people ? 

Questions for Discussion 

1. Considering merely the facts of mental equipment, what is 
your attitude towards coeducation ? Why ? 

2. Is there any reason for believing that women are more tactful 
than men? Explain. 

3. In what school subjects would you expect girls and boys 
respectively to excel ? Why ? 

References for Reading 

E. L. Thorndike, Educational Psychology, chs. 3,4, 5. 

F. Galton, Hereditary Genius. 
J. A. Thomson, Heredity, ch. 6. 

H. B. Thompson, Mental Traits of Sex. 
F. Boas, The Mind of Primitive Man. 



CHAPTER II 
THE CHARACTERISTICS OF ORIGINAL NATURE 

DEPENDENCE ON PHYSIOLOGICAL STRUCTURE. 

— The inheritance of an individual, whether it be that of 
family, sex, or race, is in terms of physiological struc- what is the 
ture, not in terms of mental states. A baby is not P h yf lca [ 

i • -i i • • -ii i oasis of 

heir to any ideas, his emotions or ideals are not ready- mental 
made, he does not inherit consciousness as such; heredity? 
he does inherit a complicated system of neurones acting and 
developing according to certain laws of growth. The various 
theories as to the interaction of brain and mind, happenings 
in the synapses and states of consciousness need not be entered 
upon here. For our purpose it is enough to state that any 
individual's original nature is related in some very close way 
to the action of his nervous system. A child acts as a human 
being rather than as an animal because he inherits a human 
nervous system ; he is interested more in things than in 
people, is pugnacious and matter-of-fact because he inherits 
the nervous system of a male ; he is a musician rather than a 
business man because he inherits the nervous system of a Bach. 
No matter how general the trait may be, no matter how minute 
and unimportant the characteristic, its presence is dependent 
on some connection of the neurones. 

It is not necessary here to go into a detailed description of 
the physiology of the brain and spinal cord. It is perhaps 
sufficient to recall a few important facts from general psychol- 
ogy. The nervous system is composed of neurones of three 
types : those that receive, the afferent ; those that effect 
action, the efferent; and those that connect, the associative. 

21 



22 Psychology of Childhood 

The meeting places of these neurones are the synapses. All 
neurones have the three characteristics of sensitivity, con- 
ductivity, and modifiability. In order for conduct or feeling 
or intellect to be present at least two neurones must be active, 
and in all but a few of the human activities many more are 
involved. The possibility of conduct or intelligence depends 
upon the connections at the synapses, — upon the possibility 
of the current affecting neurones in a certain definite way. 
The possession of an " original nature," then, means the 
possession, as a matter of inheritance, of certain connections 
between neurones, the possession of certain synapses which 
are in functional contact and across which a current may pass 
merely as a matter of structure. Just why certain synapses 
should be thus connected is the whole question of heredity. 
Two factors seem to affect the functional contact of a synapse, 
— first, proximity of the neurone ends, and second, some sort 
of permeability which makes a current travel on one rather 
than another of two neurones equally near together in space. 
This proximity and permeability are both provided for by 
the structure and constitution of the nervous system. It 
should be noted that the connection of neurones is not a one- 
to-one affair, but the multiplicity of fibrils provided by original 
nature makes it possible for one afferent neurone to discharge 
into many neurones, and for one efferent neurone to receive 
the current from many neurones. Thus the individual when 
born is equipped with potentialities of character, intellect, 
and conduct, because of the pre-formed connections or tend- 
encies to connections present in his nervous system. 

TYPES OF ORIGINAL RESPONSES. — These unlearned 
tendencies which make up the original nature of the human 
race are usually classified into automatic or physiological 
actions, reflexes, instincts, and capacities. Automatic actions 
are such as those controlling the heart-beats, digestive and 
intestinal movements ; the contraction of the pupil of the 
eye from light, sneezing, swallowing, etc., are reflexes; imi- 



The Characteristics of Original Nature 23 

tation, fighting, and fear are instincts, while capacities refer 
to those more subtle traits by means of which an individual 
becomes a good linguist, or is tactful, or gains skill in handling 
tools. However, there is no sharp line of division between 
these various unlearned tendencies ; what one psychologist 
calls a reflex or a series of reflexes, another will call an instinct. 
It seems better to consider them as of the same general char- 
acter but differing from each other in simplicity, definiteness, 
uniformity of response, variableness among individuals, and 
modifiability. They range from movements such as the action 
of the blood vessels to those concerned in hunting and col- 
lecting ; from the simple, definite, uniform knee-jerk, which 
is very similar in all people and open to very little modifica- 
tion, to the capacity for scholarship, which is extremely com- 
plex, vague as to definition, variable both as to manifestation 
in one individual and amounts amongst people in general, 
and is open to almost endless modification. This fund of 
unlearned tendencies is the capital with which each child 
starts, the capital which makes education and progress pos- 
sible, as well as the capital which limits the extent to which 
progress and development in any line may proceed. 

CHARACTERISTICS OF ORIGINAL RESPONSES. 
They are mechanical. — These unlearned tendencies which 
constitute the original nature of the child have what are 
certain characteristics in common ; because they the char .~ 

. J acteristics 

are a function of the nervous system they are of original 
mechanical and constant. They all exist because te ndenaes? 
of connections in the nervous system, and therefore they are 
unconscious, and uncontrolled in their initiation. The ner- 
vous system acts like a machine, — indeed it is a machine, 
and in so far as it acts independent of training or experience, 
the result must be mechanical. A current is started in the 
retina of a nine-months-old baby by a glittering object held in 
front of him ; compelled by the structure of his nervous sys- 
tem he must snatch at it, not because he wants it, not because 



24 Psychology of Childhood 

he wills to do so, but because he is thus made, he cannot help 
it. Not at all a matter of volition, or of conscious attention, 
the act is merely a matter of the connection of neurones. In 
so far as tendencies are unlearned, this must be true, whether 
the tendencies concerned are the simple definite reflexes, or 
whether they are the more complex and vague capacities. 
This is an important fact for the student of child psychology ; 
for many of the mistakes in the training of children are due 
to a lack of comprehension of this principle. A child is not 
responsible for his conduct, thoughts, or feelings in so far as 
they are a manifestation of these unlearned tendencies ; he 
acts merely as a machine, controlled absolutely by its mech- 
anism until experience, learning in some form, affects him. Of 
course, in the human animal, experience plays a part very 
soon because of the plasticity of the organism ; but, until it 
does, no responsibility can rest on the child, and experience 
can play no part until the tendency has at least shown itself 
as a result of the functioning of his nervous system. 

They are constant. — These unlearned tendencies are con- 
stant in the sense that in the same organism, the same stimu- 
lus must induce the same response, the same neurone-action 
must produce the same result ; and, conversely, an identical 
response is given only to one stimulus. This fact must neces- 
sarily be true because of the structure of the nervous system 
and the dependence of tendencies on the functional contact 
of the synapses. That this principle seems to be often con- 
tradicted is due to two facts. First : situations which on 
the surface seem the same are really different, and hence the 
difference in the response. To a boy looking on at a group 
of other boys stoning a cat, the stimulus is very different from 
what it would be were he a member of the group. A ball 
thrown to a baby by an adult offers a very different situation 
from the same ball thrown to the same baby by a child of his 
own size. A cat sniffing at a child seated alone on the floor 
may produce a very different response from what it would 



The Characteristics of Original Nature 25 

were the child in its mother's lap. Situations the same so 
far as the rough, observed outlines are concerned may be very 
different when all the details are considered, and hence call 
out very different responses in the organism. 

Second : the apparently same situation causes different 
responses because the organism is not the same but different. 
This difference in the organism may be due to a number of 
causes, — differences in nutrition, in fatigue, in mind's set, 
in the simultaneous activity of other instincts, in experience, 
— all these change an organism, and therefore must make the 
response to the same situation a different one. A child's 
response to a kind word may one day be a smile, and the 
next an impatient twitch of the shoulders and a scowl, the 
child being different on the two occasions. A boy in the 
primary grades responds to the commendation of the teacher 
by added efforts, though the same boy in the high school may 
respond by a sneer. This difference in response is not a mere 
matter of chance ; original nature is not erratic and variable 
in the sense that it is not to be depended on. The same situa- 
tion presented to the same organism must produce the same 
response ; but situations are complex, and the organism is a 
changing thing. However, because of their dependence on 
structure, a careful analysis of the situation and a knowledge 
of the individual will make it possible to predict behavior 
with an ever increasing degree of accuracy. It is because of 
the likeness of human beings to each other due to their com- 
mon racial inheritance, and to the fact that this original 
nature can be depended on to be constant in its manifesta- 
tion, that group teaching is at all possible. In fact, were the 
responses due to original nature not predictable, education as 
we know it to-day could not exist. Added knowledge of the 
original equipment of children and of the effect of sleep, 
nutrition, age, and various kinds of experiences on the organism 
will increase the power of educators to foretell the response 
of any given individual or group to any given situation. At 



26 Psychology of Childhood 

present both teachers and parents are suffering from a lack 
of knowledge in all these lines. 

They are delayed. — Another characteristic true of the 
majority of these original tendencies is that they are delayed, 
that is, they are not present at birth. Then, as Pillsbury says, 
" one may recognize the food-taking instincts, the vocal pro- 
tests at discomfort, but relatively few others." Of course, 
the physiological operations necessary for the life of the in- 
fant are active, but practically all of the so-called instincts 
and capacities appear later. Their appearance is dependent 
on the growth and ripening of the connections between neu- 
rones. No tendency can appear until the synapses between 
the neurones which arouse it are in functional contact. 

In discussing this point of the delay in the appearance of 
original tendencies, it has been customary to talk of them as 
if they appeared suddenly, certain ages being the time above 
all others for certain instincts and capacities to mature. Thus 
we hear of the " sensory " child of kindergarten age, her 
" motor " sister in the primary school, her " rote-memorizing " 
friends in the grammar grades, and her " reasoning " adoles- 
cent brothers and sisters. Similarly, at three or four we are 
told to expect fears to be dominant, doll play at eight, collect- 
ing at nine, the gang instinct at eleven, the sex instinct in the 
teens, and so on. That there is somewhat of truth in these 
statements there can be no doubt, but as they stand, they are 
often misleading. It seems very improbable that any instinct 
is absent this week — or year even — and present the next. 
From all the studies that have been made — whether of the 
simple and definite instincts, or the more complex and vague 
capacities — the law seems to be one of gradual rather than of 
sudden maturing. It is probably true, as Miss Burk says, 
that nine is the age when the greatest interest in collections 
is shown, but it should also be borne in mind that children 
begin making collections at five or six. We know now that 
the sex instinct is of long and slow development all through 



The Characteristics of Original Nature 



27 



childhood rather than bursting into being during adolescence. 
Even four-year-olds show the power of purposive thinking 
despite the fact that the high-school age is supposed to be the 
time for reasoning. Little six-year-old children who have to 
care for younger brothers and sisters do so with all the serious- 
ness of the adult ; and many refugee boys of nine and ten have 
had to assume much of the responsibility which is supposed 
to come with maturity. Children tested from year to year 
show no time at which there is so sudden an increase in power 
that any certain age could be chosen as the one at which the 
instinct " appears." Of course, the interference of training 
and environment as a factor is undeniable ; but the conclusion 
that though it is true that original tendencies are delayed they 
are also very gradual in their maturing, is not invalidated. 

They are transitory. — General psychology also teaches 
that instincts are transitory, that by the laws of their own de- 
velopment, uninfluenced by what happens to them, they will 
wane and pass away. The general implication of the dis- 
cussion is, that these original tendencies are present and active 
but for a short time, and then pass, unless they are fixed as 
habits. Teachers are warned " to detect the moment of the 
instinctive readiness " for each subject, to " seize the wave 
of the pupil's interest . . . before its ebb has come so that knowl- 
edge may be got and a habit of skill acquired." The con- 
clusion was that " most instincts are implanted for the sake 
of giving rise to habits, and that, this purpose once accom- 
plished, the instincts themselves, as such, have no raison 
d'etre in the psychical economy, and consequently fadeaway." 1 

Against this idea Thomdike points out that " Two forces 
other than the law of transitoriness, must be considered, be- 
fore attributing the ebbs in man's activities so exclusively 
to it. The first is the force of new situations, — changed cir- 
cumstances about man — rather than a changed natiue in 
him. The second is the force of changes in his nature due to 

1 James, Principles of Psychology, Vol. II, pp. 401. 4°2. 



28 Psychology of Childhood 

special acquisitions — learned habits — not to mere losses 
of transitory instincts and capacities." l If the adult was 
surrounded by the same situations which surround the child, 
if society expected no more of him, — meted out its approval 
and disapproval as it does to the child, would he not exhibit 
many of the instincts and capacities that are supposed to be 
the heritage of the child alone, and to pass away ? And again, 
the change in activities may be but the same fundamental 
instinct, perfected, turned into new channels because of the 
added satisfaction gained by such changes. 

That these two factors rather than transitoriness of original 
tendencies do explain much of the difference between the 
activities of children and adults is proved by the fact that it 
is hard to find instincts that are transitory — that have really 
gone. Give them but the opportunity and the so-called 
childish interests and instincts appear in most adults. The 
play tendencies — the theaters, moving-picture shows, base- 
ball and football games, bridge parties and dances prove their 
existence in the adult. The love of the mysterious — ini- 
tiations into all sorts of societies and fraternities prove it still 
has its attractions. Interest in novelty and movements — 
the widespread interest in aeroplanes, and wireless telegraphy, 
the gorgeous displays of electric signs in the big cities, the 
rapid and extraordinary changes in styles of women's apparel, 
all these testify to the presence of this instinct for novelty and 
movement. How many adults are there who are not col- 
lecting or hoarding something? How many can endure a 
nudge or a disdainful look from a peer without feeling the 
throb of the pugnacious instinct? The migratory instinct 
still shows itself in the adult fondness for change of residence 
— witness " moving day" — and in his love oi travel; fear 
of solitude, of snakes and large animals still persists despite 
the influence of training and experience. That inborn tend- 
encies do unfold, llourish, and decay according to laws of 
1 Thorndike, Original Nature of Man, p. 265. 



The Characteristics of Original Nature 



29 



inner growth is undoubtedly true, but the unfolding is much 
more protracted and the decay much less perceptible than it 
has been customary to suppose. This is especially true of the 
common fundamental human traits and interests. If this is 
true, the educator can no longer shift so much of the burden 
of responsibility on to the shoulders of a Nature that brings 
possibilities on the stage of Life only to remove them. The 
traits, interests, and capacities that are necessary to form into 
character, conduct, and intellect are in the possession of every 
child for years ; the responsibility for their use and develop- 
ment rests with the educator. 

They are crude. — ■ Another characteristic of original re- 
sponses is their crudity. Children are often called " little 
savages," and so far as their inherited make-up is concerned, 
that is what they are. " Man's original equipment dates 
far back and adapts him, directly, only for such a life as might 
be led by a family group of wild men among the brute forces 
of land, water, storm and sun, fruit and berries, animals and 
other family groups of wild men." l The original traits and 
interests of man are not such as fit him to live in a civilized 
community in the twentieth century, and therefore the fact that 
these tendencies are modifiable is of tremendous importance. 
On this fact alone rests all the civilization of the world, all the 
culture of the ages, all the promise of the future. Here is the 
field and the function of education : to seize upon this capital 
and use it ; to modify and direct the original capacities and 
instincts of children so that they are fitted to live in the best 
which adult society has to offer, to appreciate and to add to it. 

METHODS OF MODIFYING ORIGINAL NATURE. 
— " The indiscriminate manipulation of objects is modified 
into instructive play with sand piles, blocks or How may 
ball ; and later into intelligent use of tools, pencil, instincts be 

6 .■ . j 4.1. modified? 

pen, typewriter, engine, printing press, and the 
like. Thus the satisfyingness which originally accompanies 
1 Thorndike, Education, pp. 91-92. 



30 Psychology of Childhood 

notice and approval by anybody is redirected to form special 
attachments to the approval of parents, teachers, one's own 
higher nature, and heroes, living and dead, who are chosen 
as ideal judges. Thus the original incitement of ' another 
trying to get the food or victory or admiration which we crave ' 
is replaced gradually by rivalry with others in all work and 
play, then by rivalry with our own past records or with 
ideal standards. Thus out of ' collecting and hoarding at 
random whatever is handy and attractive to the crude in- 
terests in color, glitter and novelty,' habits of intelligent scien- 
tific collecting and arranging may be formed, and the interest 
in collecting may be made a stimulus to getting knowledge 
about the objects collected. Thus the original interests, the 
tendencies to be satisfied by and annoyed by, to like and dis- 
like, are turned into acquired interests in efficient workman- 
ship, kindly fellowship, the welfare of one's family, friends, 
community and nation, and finally into the love of truth, 
justice and the happiness of mankind as a whole." x The work 
of education is largely a matter of modification ; few if any 
original tendencies are absolutely useless, few are so acceptable 
that they can be retained just as they are. The vast majority 
of them need to be modified, higher pleasures substituted for 
lower, certain elements eliminated by withholding the situa- 
tion that calls them out when they will perish from disuse, 
or by following their manifestation with pain and discomfort 
of some kind, fixing the desirable traits or phases or elements 
by rewards or satisfaction. 

By disuse or stimulation. — One method of controlling 
an instinct is to deal with the situation which evokes the re- 
sponse. The stimulus may be withheld to prevent the re- 
sponse recurring — -illustrated in keeping dangerous but at- 
tractive objects out of a baby's reach, or it may be provided 
in superabundance so as to increase the likelihood of a response 

illustrated by surrounding the kindergarten child with all 
1 Thorndike, Education, pp. 92-93. 



The Characteristics of Original Nature 31 

sorts of suggestive implements. The former method, known 
as disuse, is obviously not a constructive way of training nor- 
mal children, since no guarantee is given that the whole en- 
vironment will be permanently emptied of such stimuli, nor 
is any provision made for teaching children how to respond 
when the inevitable situation is felt. In an emergency, or 
with very young, sick, or abnormal subjects the method of 
disuse may be necessary. For a rich, full life, the method of 
stimulation is always indicated. 

By unpleasant or pleasant results. — A second method 
of control is to attach such consequences to the response that 
on a recurrence of the situation the response is either more or 
less likely to be made. Thus, love of being a cause, and ma- 
nipulation are developed by the reward of seeing the object 
made or changed, and indiscriminate grabbing is checked by 
the pain of the burn or the slap that follows. In either case, 
the reward, satisfaction, pleasure feeling, or the punishment, 
dissatisfaction, pain feeling, needs to be closely associated 
in the child's own consciousness with the situation-response 
series rather than with accidental extraneous circumstances, 
or with the person who intensifies the affective tone of the 
results ; also, the younger the child the more closely in time 
must the consequences be felt. 

By substitution or sublimation. — A third method of con- 
trol, known as substitution, attempts to reconstruct the situa- 
tion-response series by forming a habit of responding in 
another than the primitive way whenever the situation occurs. 
Thus, when hungry and within sight, smell, and reach of food, 
children must learn to wait and help themselves in mannerly 
fashion rather than to grab, to eat rather than stuff and bolt 
their food, eventually to dine rather than to eat. A special 
form of this substitution method is known as sublimation. 
Here the emotional tone accompanying an original situation- 
response series is transferred to another complex and utilized 
in other, higher ways. Thus, the feelings of anger that might 



32 Psychology of Childhood 

assist in striking out when pushed or interfered with bodily 
may be directed into energetic fighting for a cause, through 
newspaper publicity, speeches in the legislature, or similar 
means. And the feeling of derision or repugnance that by 
original nature is present when looking at anybody physically 
grotesque, awkward, or deformed, may be transferred to the 
mental contemplation of anything morally ugly ; while by 
substitution, the response of sympathy may be felt in the first 
situation and helpful action follow. 

This stimulation or disuse, reward or punishment, sub- 
stitution and sublimation as methods of awakening, strength- 
ening, or redirecting original nature does not wait until the 
child reaches school age, but begins in earliest babyhood ; 
however, the pull and power of original nature is still strong 
during the child's school years, and it is the business of the 
teacher to make use of the energy, the tendencies which are 
there. To ignore them is wasteful, and may be definitely 
harmful. They are there to be used, neither to be ignored, 
nor just accepted. That education which knows what an 
individual will do apart from training, which makes use of 
natural interests and motives instead of forcing artificial ones, 
which works with rather than against original nature, that edu- 
cation will succeed in satisfying the deepest, most lasting, 
biggest human wants. 

REASONS FOR DELAYEDNESS AND TRANSITORI- 
NESS OF INSTINCTS. Recapitulation theory. — One ex- 
planation of the very widespread reliance and em- 
theory of phasis on the transitoriness and delayedness of 
recapitu- original nature has been the general acceptance 
of the doctrine of recapitulation as the explanation 
of the order of development of instincts and capacities. The 
theory sets forth that the various instincts, powers, and 
capacities appear in the individual in the same order as they 
did in the race, their strength being determined by their age 
and their importance to the race. The following quotations 



The Characteristics of Original Nature 33 

express the theory as it has been held. Agassiz said . . . l " the 
phases of development of all living animals correspond to the 
order of succession of their extinct representatives." " The 
individual from conception to senescence, follows the order of 
development of the race." 2 . . . " the child ontogenetically re- 
capitulating the phylogenetic development of the race craves 
communion with nature," 3 . . . " ontogenetic development 
is recapitulatory. Each individual passes through the stages 
through which its phylum has passed," 4 . . . " the child's de- 
velopment is only a condensed index of what took place on 
the larger plan of race history." " In play every mood and 
movement is instinct with heredity. Thus we rehearse the 
activities of our ancestors, back we know not how far, and 
repeat their life work in summative and adumbrated ways. 
It is reminiscent, albeit unconsciously, of our line of descent, 
— and each is the key to the other. . . . Thus stage by stage 
we re-enact their (our ancestors') lives. Once in the phylon 
many of these activities were elaborated in the life and death 
struggle for existence. Now the elements and combinations 
oldest in the muscle history of the race are re-represented 
earliest in the individual, and those later follow in order." 5 
President G. Stanley Hall is the most ardent advocate of the 
theory in this country and all his writings contain references 
to it. It is practically the controlling principle in his dis- 
cussion of Adolescence in the two-volume book of that name. 
Evidence stated and criticized. — ■ The evidence offered for 
the belief that " ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny " may 
be grouped under three heads. First that relating to 
physical recapitulation and derived largely from embryology. 

1 F. L. Burk, From Fundamental to Accessory in the Development of 
Nervous System and of Movements, Ped. Sem., Vol. 6, p. 36. 

2 F. E. Bolton, Hydro-Psychoses, A. J. P., Vol. 10, p. 227. 

3 G. E. Dawson, Psychic Rudiments and Morality, p. 189. 

4 J. W. Slaughter, The Moon in Childhood and Folk-Lore, A. J. P., Vol. 13, 
p. 294. 

6 G. S. Hall, Adolescence, Vol. 1, pp. 202, 203. 



34 Psychology of Childhood 

The claim is that as the growth of the body follows race de- 
velopment that of behavior does also. "The essential stages 
What of human development resemble those of other ani- 

reasons are mals. ... But so close are the resemblances among 
Itnsupplrt t ^ le ear ly embryonic stages that the differences are 
of this almost unrecognizable. Some one has said that 

for some time no one would be able to tell 
whether a given embryo might turn out a frog or a phi- 
losopher." 1 Romanes says that when man's " animality 
becomes established, he exhibits the fundamental anatomical 
qualities which characterize such lowly animals as polyps 
and jelly-fish. And even when he is marked off as a verte- 
brate, it cannot be said whether he is to be a fish, a reptile, a 
bird, or a beast. Later on it becomes evident he is to be a 
mammal, but not till later still can it be said to which order 
of mammals he belongs." 2 It is told of Professor His, that 
on viewing a slightly abnormal embryo, known to be human, 
he ' ' asserted roundly that Krause (who had shown it) , must 
have made a mistake, and that his specimen was a chick and 
not a human one at all." 3 

That there is some likeness between the human embryo and 
those of lower animals seems incontrovertible, but expert 
biologists of to-day do not find the close identity that these 
quotations claim exists. Thorndike in summing up their 
opinions says : " Only in rough outlines and in the case of a 
fraction of bodily organs does nature make an individual from 
the fertilized ovum by the same series of changes by which it 
made his species from the primitive protozoa. . . . No one would 
mistake the human embryo at any stage for any adult fish or 
reptile or mammal. No one can tell from ontogeny what the 
phylogeny of man has been in the great changes from inverte- 
brate to vertebrate, from early generalized mammal to primate, 

1 F. E. Bolton, Principles of Education, p. 70. 

2 Darwin and after Darwin, Vol. 1, p. iiq. 

8 Marshall, Biological Lectures and Addresses, p. 250. 



The Characteristics of Original Nature 35 

from early primate to man." l It is also true that if behavior 
recapitulates race history, then the part of the body upon 
which it depends, namely, the nervous system, should show 
the clearest signs of recapitulation, and this is just the part 
that shows the least likeness to such an order. The course of 
development of an individual's brain does not coincide at all 
with its course of development in the race ; how then is it 
possible for instincts or capacities to recapitulate at all closely 
the order of manifestation in the race? Moreover, at birth, 
a human brain has long passed any stage that could possibly 
be called fish or early mammal. Why then try to trace in 
infancy, or in still later years, recapitulations of aquatic life 
when the organ governing behavior, the brain, is not at that 
same time at all like that of the fish? It must also be borne 
in mind that even if there were exact parallelism between the 
development of the human embryo and that of the lower ani- 
mals, recapitulation would not be proved. The embryo must 
develop somehow, and it seems extremely likely that in nature 
there has been evolved a general method for the development, 
the easiest and most economical ; and that because it is a 
general method, traces of it can be found all up the animal 
scale. This is borne out by the fact that in instances where 
recapitulation seems clearest, the way taken for the develop- 
ment is the most simple — most economical, apart from any 
tendency towards recapitulation. 

A second line of evidence of much less importance is ad- 
duced from vestigial structures in man, and from the so-called 
" survival movements." Bolton claims that upwards of one 
hundred and thirty of these vestigial structures have been 
discerned. The gill slits, the vermiform appendix, the muscles 
by means of which the external ear is moved are among those 
most often quoted. The survival movements may be illus- 
trated by the peculiar paddling or swimming movements, 
and the grasping and clinging movements which very young 
1 Thorndike, Original Nature of Man, pp. 254-255. 



36 Psychology of Childhood 

babies make. The same answer may be made here that was 
made above. Even if a general method of development does 
not account for their presence, still such bodily analogies have 
no bearing on recapitulation of behavior. 

A third line of evidence offered from genetic, social, and 
pathological psychology instances many superstitions, fears, 
customs, and other psychoses which suggest ancestral minds 
in the same way that vestigial organs in the body suggest 
earlier physical forms. As noted above, the brain at birth, 
and therefore mentality, is distinctly human ; consequently 
we may ignore delvings into any more remote past than that 
of our earliest human ancestors. Here the phenomena are 
less capable of proof or refutation than are the purely physical. 
The same argument holds, however, that the order of de- 
velopment or regression may be the most simple or the most 
useful ; it may be added, too, that perhaps were all the at- 
tendant circumstances thoroughly understood the present 
situation is ample explanation of the particular response 
called out. Children's interest in fairy stories, rather than 
recapitulating human superstition, comes at a time when their 
eager receptivity makes them credulous of all sorts of wonders 
and marvels before the touchstone of experience can have 
distinguished the possible from the impossible. The infant's 
dislike of, and fright at touching his mother's fur stole or the 
family cat may be explained not by any inherited memory of 
unfortunate racial contact with a mastodon, but by the un- 
usualness of the skin stimulus, the odor of the fur, or the un- 
interpreted expression of pussy's eyes, whiskers, and tail, let 
alone the feel of her nose or claws. The timidity of some older 
people when having to cross a large open space or when stand- 
ing on high places need not be accounted for by any savages' 
habits tending to self-preservation, but by a social self-con- 
sciousness, or the individual's own experiences with swift- 
moving vehicles, falls, vertigo induced by slow eye focus, and 
the like. 



The Characteristics of Original Nature 37 

Of course, the most obvious proof for the theory should 
come through observation ; do children in their development 
show traces of passing through the fish stage, the lower mam- 
malian stage, the primate stage, etc., through primitive man? 
Obviously they do not. No one has been able to segregate 
the years or months in a child's life when he was recapitulat- 
ing any stage of racial development, and all attempts have re- 
sulted disastrously to the theory. The new-born infant shows 
characteristics such as paddling movements that have been 
traced to the fish stage, and others such as clinging by the 
hands that certainly belong to the primates. An eleven- 
year-old boy enjoys the water like a mud turtle, scampers on 
the rocks like a goat, climbs trees like a chimpanzee, inhabits 
caves like a prehistoric man, builds wigwams or snow-forts 
like a savage, parades with drum and fife like a twentieth-cen- 
tury militant. He may practice with bows and arrows or 
water pistols ; he may model a water-wheel, mix concrete, 
or even set up a wireless outfit. Which stage can he be said 
to be duplicating? Is he kid, monkey, barbarian, or plain 
boy? Moreover, love of the water and of climbing hills is 
found in the twenties and forties as well as in the early years, 
facts difficult to reconcile with the recapitulation theory, as 
is also the lack of correspondence in the race and in the indi- 
vidual of the relative time of appearance of grasping, talking, 
and the sex instinct. 

Derived culture epoch theory. — Yet the advocate of the 
culture epoch theory, a derivative of the theory of recapitu- 
lation, would urge avenues of approach to children 
determined by the epoch of culture through which select cur- 
they are supposedly passing. In the hunting " cu ' ao ? 
stage, nomadic, agricultural, urban, and so on, the culture 
children must be told stories of corresponding ei)0ch „ 

r i 1 i-ii theory? 

stages of culture, and see or make implements be- 
longing to that stage. But to city children of to-day a stone 
plow is no more familiar than a modern tractor, nor a birch- 



38 Psychology of Childhood 

bark canoe than a motor launch or big ferry ; while an auto- 
mobile is certainly better known than a camel or other prim- 
itive means of transportation. The doings of Hiawatha, or 
Aryan, Greek, Roman, and Saxon boys, or of Robinson Crusoe 
are undoubtedly interesting, but so are those of contempo- 
raries. The applications of the doctrine of apperception 
suggest that the familiar and the simple are good points of con- 
tact rather than those early in the racial chronology. More- 
over, the practical difficulties of presenting material to all 
first-grade children, or all second-grade where the ages vary 
by as much as two or three years, emphasize the fact that we 
may err in seeking in the presumable epoch corresponding to 
the children's development for culture material, rather than 
utilizing the obvious, everyday things in their environment. 
As Bolton says, the " telephone and the postal system are 
quite as comprehensible to a modern boy as the means of 
communication in vogue ten thousand years ago. ... To be 
sure, the boy does not comprehend the philosophy of all these 
modern processes, what he sees are externals. . . . Complexities 
of life exist all about the child, but he responds only to that 
for which his development has attuned him. Later on he 
becomes fitted ... to vibrate in harmony with a more complex 
order of things, — but not necessarily those things only which 
have come within ancestral experience." 1 

As fields for speculation, both the doctrine of recapitulation 
and the culture epoch theory offer interesting material ; but 
as guides in the interpretation of child life and in the planning 
of school courses both are unsatisfactory. 

Utility theory. — ■ A second theory which is being offered 
What is to explain the order of development of original 
the utility tendencies is the utility theory. Thorndike says , 2 
t eory. it Q^gj. things being equal, the date at which a 
tendency appears is that one of the many varying dates at 

1 Bolton, Principles of Education, p. 114. 

2 Thorndike, Original Nature of Man, p. 252. 



The Characteristics of Original Nature 39 

which it has appeared in our ancestry which has been most 
serviceable in keeping the stock alive." The two factors of 
variation and selection account for the order of the appearance 
of the tendencies just as they account for their existence. 
The evidence for this theory is very scanty, due to the fact 
that the testing of it has only just begun. It does seem true, 
however, that in cases of delayed instincts when the order is 
in opposition to that of racial development, it is in the direc- 
tion of the useful order ; for instance, walking erect precedes 
climbing trees. On the whole, too little is known of the actual 
equipment of man in terms of original nature as well as the 
dates of the appearance of such tendencies to make it safe to 
consider any theory verified. Such verification must depend 
on added knowledge. 

The point of view of this book so far has been to emphasize 
the fact of original nature, its dependence on family, sex, and 
race, and its importance from the standpoint of education, 
both as a limitation and as capital. Not only, therefore, is it 
necessary for the educator to have knowledge of what man 
starts with, but also of what changes take place in this original 
equipment, and how such changes are brought about. It 
should be understood that the discussion of any and all of 
these points must be incomplete and tentative. As to what 
man's original equipment is in terms of instincts and capaci- 
ties psychologists are not at all agreed. Neither are they 
agreed as to the changes that take place, — • how, for instance, 
a five-year-old differs from a ten-year-old in memory. Methods 
of bringing about changes in the nature and attainment of 
children are but now being subjected to scientific study. 
Therefore all future treatment and discussion must be taken 
in the light of this limitation of knowledge. 

The child's original equipment and the changes which take 
place in it will be the subject of the next eight chapters. The 
discussion will be under three divisions : 1 . Original tend- 



40 Psychology of Childhood 

encies which result primarily in action. 2. Original tend- 
encies accompanied by affective states. 3. Original tenden- 
cies which result primarily in mental states, such as attention, 
perception, memory, imagination, and thinking. 

Questions for Discussion 

1. Give instances which seem to show, (a) the transitoriness of 
capacities, (b) the length of life of instincts or capacities. 

2. Give approximate ages for the appearance of, or chief interest 
in, the following : (a) walking, (b) herding with members of the 
same sex, (c) dressing dolls, (d) making mud pies, (e) roaming 
the woods, (/) watching bright moving objects, (g) self-display, 
(Ji) interest in babies, (i) vocalization. 

3. Illustrate the use of the instinct of manipulation in the work 
of the primary grades, the grammar grades, the junior high school. 

4. What are the points in favor of substitution as a method of 
modifying instincts? 

5. What changes in the elementary school program would be 
caused by an utter rejection of the culture epoch theory? 

References for Reading 

James, Principles of Psychology, Vol. II, ch. 24. 
Thorndike, Original Nature of Man, Vol. I, chs. 2, 14, 16. 
Bolton, Principles of Education, chs. 4, 5, 6. 
Kirkpatrick, Fundamentals of Child Study, ch. 3. 



CHAPTER III 

TENDENCIES RESULTING IN ACTION —NON-SOCIAL 

INSTINCTS 

It should be borne in mind that the divisions suggested in 
the last chapter under which the original tendencies will be 
discussed are not sharply denned. Of necessity they overlap 
continually, for action, conscious mental states, and affective 
states occur as responses to almost all the situations in life. 
The tendencies listed under the first head will often be accom- 
panied by both intellectual states and feeling, and the same 
fact is true of each of the other divisions. However, for con- 
venience in discussion, it is possible to make such a division ; 
for tendencies in their original form may primarily concern 
action or intellect or feeling. The appearance of any tend- 
ency in any one group does not in consequence exclude it 
from any other, and, in following out a tendency, excursions 
into either of the groups may be a necessity. 

The tendencies which result primarily in action include 
many of the so-called instincts of general psychology. James 
defines an instinct as a tendency to act in a given What non _ 
situation without experience or pre-knowledge of social tend- 
the result. These tendencies to act as caused by Ihouidthe 
original nature may be divided into two groups, teacher 
the non-social instincts — those which manifest con5 ' er 
themselves in situations made up of material objects — and 
social instincts, those whose exercise depends on the presence 
or behavior of other human beings. It would be impossible 
in a book of this size to discuss all these tendencies to action ; 
41 



42 Psychology of Childhood 

therefore the following list is but a partial one, only those of 
importance to the educator having been chosen. 1 

Of the non-social tendencies, the following are important : 
i . General physical activity — made up of movements of 
gross bodily control, vocalization, visual exploration and ma- 
nipulation; 2. Food-getting and hunting; 3. Teasing; 4. 
Ownership and collecting; 5. Fighting. 

GENERAL PHYSICAL ACTIVITY. Bodily movements. 
— The instinct of physical activity shows itself from birth 
on, in numerous spontaneous and involuntary movements 
which involve all parts of the body. During his first two 
years we find a child " holding up his head, sitting, standing, 
walking, running, stooping, jumping up and down, leaping at, 
crouching, lying down, rolling over, climbing, dodging, stoop- 
ing to pick up, raising himself again, balancing, clinging, push- 
ing with arms and with legs, pulling with arms, throwing, 
kicking, grasping," and so on through an almost endless 
series of movements which use all the muscles in the body. 
That these movements are unlearned, and the child's manage- 
ment of his body is a result of original tendencies seems to be 
more and more the opinion of experts in child study. It is 
difficult to see how it could be otherwise, dependent as the 
human race is on original equipment for the initial impetus in 
all directions. The fact that it has been a common practice 
to speak of " teaching children to walk " is due to the imper- 
fection of the first manifestations of these tendencies, and the 
gradualness of their maturing has tended to hide their in- 
stinctive nature. That opportunities for exercise and the re- 
sulting pleasure or pain of this exercise have their effect in 
bringing about control is undeniable, and it is the duty of the 
educator to furnish both ; but the presence or absence of these 
various types of bodily movement is dependent primarily 
upon connections in the nervous system, and not upon 
teaching. In fact, the forcing of the baby to stand or 

1 For a fuller discussion, refer to Thorndike's Original Nature of Man. 



Tendencies Resulting in Action 43 

walk by fond parents or proud nurses may be harmful rather 
than helpful. 

" Fundamental to accessory " theory. — Granted that these 
tendencies are present as part of original equipment there 
arise two questions of importance to students How does a 
of children : first, " Is there any definite order in child , ai * 

, . ... . _ ,, , , ,, T , control of 

which control is gained? and second, Is there his move- 
need for a fuller recognition of this instinct of gen- ments? 
eral physical activity?" In connection with the problem 
stated in the first question much has been written. If these 
movements have their roots in original nature, it follows that 
no movement or series of movements can come under the 
control of the child until they have been experienced by him 
as the result of the functioning of his nervous system — that 
they must be " blind " and " non-voluntary " before they can 
be voluntary. Control, then, is dependent upon the maturing 
of connections between neurones whose action results in these 
various movements. 

A theory which has had wide acceptance is that the develop- 
ment is from the fundamental to the accessory muscles. But 
the theory has meant different things to different writers. 
Hall says, " The former designates the muscles and move- 
ments of the trunk and large joints, neck, back, hips, shoul- 
ders, knees and elbows, sometimes called central, and which 
in general man has in common with the higher and larger ani- 
mals. . . . The latter or accessory movements are those of 
the hand, tongue, face and articulatory organs. . . . They 
are represented by smaller and more numerous muscles, whose 
functions develop later in life and represent a higher stand- 
point of evolution." l These last two phrases interpret the 
theory in accordance with the doctrine of recapitulation, but 
emphasize the mere size of the muscles. A second view is 
expressed by Bolton : "In a general way, by fundamental 
we mean also that which is vital and necessary to existence. 
1 G. S. Hall, Youth, p. o. 



44 Psychology of Childhood 

By accessory we mean that which is less vital and in a way less 
necessary to existence." l A third interpretation is that with- 
in any series or group of coordinated muscles the larger ones 
mature first, and the smallest ones last. A fourth view ex- 
pressed by Shepardson is that the voluntary purposive control 
of muscles is from those that are oldest in the race to those 
that are youngest. 

In direct contradiction to the first theory are such facts as 
these : the development of the movements of grasping with 
the fingers and curling the toes in a very young infant ; chil- 
dren pick up pins, tacks, and other small objects before they 
walk ; babies have control of eye movements, and can follow 
a light long before they use their trunk muscles to sit up ; the 
existence of infant prodigies, whose performance requires the 
finest type of adjustment and coordination of small muscles, 
which is a proof of the maturity of the centers controlling 
the accessory muscles. The fact expressed by the second 
theory, that the muscles controlling vital operations are de- 
veloped before those not necessary to life, is undoubtedly true. 
The digestive, circulatory, pulmonary acts are fairly perfect 
at birth, long before the coordinations of the muscles of 
the fingers or legs are perfected ; but these are reflexes, 
and as the theory is brought forward in connection with the 
question of voluntary control this interpretation does not 
add anything. 

For the support of the third view, that within coordinated 
series of muscles and muscle movements the progress is from 
large to small, some experimental evidence is offered. Bryan, 2 
in his tests of the voluntary control of the muscles of the 
shoulder-finger series in children from six to sixteen years of 
age, finds that the shoulder muscles show the greatest matu- 
rity and the finger coordination least in children of six, but 

1 F. E. Bolton, Principles of Education, p. 120. 

2 On the Development of Voluntary Motor Ability, A. J. P., Vol. 5, pp. 125- 
204. 



Tendencies Resulting in Action 45 

that the finger muscles gain in rapidity and precision of action 
after nine or ten years of age. Hancock, 1 in his experiment 
testing control, comes to relatively the same conclusion ; i.e. 
that the order of control is body, shoulder, arm, forearm, and 
hand, and that movements requiring large muscles are more 
easily learned than those involving small ones. The evidence 
is not conclusive, for there is no definite period of ripening 
found for the shoulder muscles ; they continue to improve up 
to sixteen years just as do the finger movements, only the rate 
is somewhat slower. Also it is to be noted that the rate of 
improvement in the different tests varies, a result that seems 
hard to explain if the maturing is due simply to a law of inner 
growth. 

The fourth view, that expressed by Shepardson, 2 seems to 
be the one most in accord with the facts known. An observa- 
tion of children's plays shows that in the spontaneous muscle 
movements made then the larger muscles play a major part, 
— the smaller muscles within a series coming into use later ; 
and that when movements are willed, those involving the 
larger muscles within a series require less effort than do the 
smaller coordinations. The practical outcome of the theory, 
even though it is not tenable in its original form, is to em- 
phasize the value of large movements for little children, and 
to suggest the economy in both time and effort in the post- 
ponement of movements requiring fine coordinations. It 
also emphasizes the need of spontaneous, free exercise of all 
movements before the voluntary, purposive use of them. In 
his free play, the child should have used again and again the 
fine coordinations before he is required to make them in con- 
nection with school subjects. Many of the changes which 
have been so worth while in the materials used for instruction 
in the kindergarten and primary grades have been due to 
the application of this theory. 

1 A Study of Motor Ability, Ped. Sem., Vol. Ill, pp. 9-29. 

2 A Critique of the Doctrine of From Fundamental to Accessory. 



46 Psychology of Childhood 

Provision for activity. — The second question, as to whether 
enough allowance is made for the strength of this tendency of 
is it natural physical activity, can be answered emphatically 
to " keep in the negative. The little child is a bundle of 
activity, asleep or awake, and as a rule is in almost 
constant movement. Nerve currents which later will work 
themselves out in terms of mental states now result in move- 
ment. Curtis found that the very young child cannot sit 
motionless more than thirty seconds, nor children from five 
to ten years for more than one minute and a half. Another 
observer testing the automatic swaying movements in children 
found them to be from four to six times as great as those in 
the adult. It is difficult for an adult to understand the amount 
of effort, of nervous energy required in a young child to inhibit 
all the tendencies to movement which are present. One of 
the most exhausting things one asks him to do is to " sit still 
and play quietly," and yet we ask it as though it were nothing, 
not realizing the draft it makes on his store of energy. The 
kindergarten has recognized this need of the child for freedom 
of movement, but the primary school still falls far short in 
providing for this side of child nature. This instinct is im- 
planted in the child to be used, not suppressed. What society 
needs is primarily an able-bodied, well-developed healthy little 
being, and it is by means of the use and development of this in- 
stinct that such a result is possible. As Gesell says, "Why shut 
children up in the prisons which we have made for ourselves out 
of inhibition and conventional standards?" To make them 
old men and old women before their time is not only to lose the 
charm and joy of childhood, but to sap the vitality of the race. 
Vocalization. — "A little child, apart from training, makes 
all sorts of movements of the vocal cords and mouth-parts 
How does resulting in cooings, babblings, yellings, squealings 
talking and squawkings of great variety," which make up 

eve op ^ gtu ^ - n terms f or igi na i nature from which 

language is developed. This variety of vocal expression is 



Tendencies Resulting in Action 47 

not the first manifestation, but one undifferentiated cry is 
probably the only expression for at least the first two weeks. 
Before the fifth week, however, the primitive squall is dif- 
ferentiated into special cries, denoting hunger, pain, anger, 
etc. From this point, differentiation proceeds rapidly. The 
cooings and gurglings of babies of all nationalities seem to 
be the same during this period of spontaneous vocal play. 
The different languages emerge from the same root stock of 
vocal sounds by means of the laws of exercise and effect. The 
sounds that are noted and rewarded, those which result in 
satisfaction to the child, are fixed in him. The language 
which the child speaks, if it be a language at all or only baby 
talk, depends entirely on the way the vocal manifestations 
are received by the adults in the child's environment. The 
child's progress in the field of language depends on the 
two factors of necessity and reward. The little girl who at 
five could not talk at all because her sister had always talked 
for her is a case in point. 

As a general rule, intonation, inflection, and accent are 
noticed by children and responded to earlier than are words ; 
it naturally follows that these are also the first elements of 
language acquired by the child. The question as to the kinds 
of words earliest learned by children is a difficult one ; there 
is no absolute agreement in answer between experts in child 
study. The consensus of opinion seems at present to be that 
the first words are " sentence " words, the exact meaning of 
which is made clear by intonation, gesture, etc. ; the sub- 
stantive and predicate functions are not differentiated, such 
indiscriminate use being later corrected as need arises. Fol- 
lowing this stage come adjectives, appropriate use of adverbs, 
various tenses, and last of all certain prepositions, conjunc- 
tions, and pronouns. 1 Sentence making proceeds as exigen- 
cies require, progress resulting from " (1) the substitution of 

1 For a full discussion of this topic see O'Shea, Linguistic Development and 
Education. 



48 Psychology of Childhood 

words for what is understood or indicated by tone or gesture ; 
(2) analysis of situation into separate elements which then are 
expressed by words ; (3) increase of mental grasp so that the 
relation of different elements to each other is held in mind, 
and words selected and arranged to express that relation." * 
The size of children's vocabularies and their control of language 
construction at any age, vary tremendously, e.g. from a 
score of words to fifteen hundred at the age of two. Some four- 
year-olds may use better constructions than some twelve- 
year-olds ; so much depends on what they hear. From a 
practical point of view, the importance of the method of trial 
and error and the laws of exercise and effect for the young 
child, the added factor of good examples for the older child 
are worthy of emphasis. Likewise, the fact that oral, must 
precede visual, or written, language should not be overlooked. 
Manipulation. — The tendency towards manipulation is 
another manifestation of the general instinct of physical 
. activity. A child pulls, pats, tears, fingers, pokes, 

stinct is a rubs, turns, rolls, squeezes, drops, picks up, waves, 
basis for throws, etc., any object that permits it. His facil- 

handwork ? ' J . J r . . 

ity m the use of his fingers and his thumb in op- 
position to them as a matter of original nature is the explana- 
tion of man's skill and technique in all the arts and industries. 
These movements are as spontaneous and motiveless as the 
grosser bodily movements previously discussed ; they are 
neither constructive nor destructive, although the child may 
learn to be either. . That the fund of energy furnished by this 
instinct as well as the possibilities offered should have been 
practically ignored in our schools for so many years seems al- 
most incredible. It is only comparatively recently that the 
education of the hand has formed a part of the school curric- 
ulum, and in fact in certain sections of the country it is only 
now beginning to be considered. The value of handwork 
need not be discussed here, but from the standpoint of child 

1 E. A. Kirkpatrick, Fundamentals of Child Study, p. 234. 



Tendencies Resulting in Action 49 

psychology, it is evident that to ignore this part of an indi- 
vidual's capital is wasteful. 

Certain principles are worth noting. First : large, coarse 
movements should precede small, fine ones. 

Second : such materials as sand, clay, wooden blocks, heavy 
cord should precede the use of implements such as scissors, 
brush, crayon, pencil, and sewing materials. 

Third : content precedes form, — doing something pre- 
cedes the interest in how it is done. For example, a piece of 
handwork may be done with any one of three motives in mind, 
(a) to tell something, (b) to represent something, (c) to make 
something beautiful or perfect ; and in this order the motives 
should be appealed to, mere technique coming last. 

Fourth : originality of performance follows a variety of 
experiences and an increase of technique, and it should not be 
required until many concrete examples have been presented. 
These last two principles apply to work in language and com- 
position just as truly as to handwork. 

FOOD-GETTING AND HUNTING. — Food-getting is 
one of the first instincts to manifest itself. The early forms 
are the sucking movements and the movements of „ . „ 

iii-i-ii 1 • 1 How is the 

the head in seeking the breasts, the various mouth, food-getting 
throat, and face movements according to whether iT \ stinct n 

11 1 • • shown? 

the substance tasted is sweet, sour, or bitter. As the 
child grows older, the reaching, grasping, and putting-in- 
the-mouth movements are added. These movements are 
quickly involved in the instinct of general physical activity 
and manipulation, although for about a year and a half the 
tendency of the baby to put everything in his mouth is a 
source of anxiety to the mother and nurse. Because of the 
civilized community in which children are born the original 
tendencies are soon overlaid by definite " manners " in con- 
nection with food-getting, but the interest in food is one of 
the chief interests of childhood and remains strong throughout 
life. Kirkpatrick says it reaches its height about six when, 



5<d Psychology 0} Childhood 

because a child is eating all sorts of foods, his varied expe- 
rience has given him a basis for knowledge or choice. There 
seems to be no valid reason why this love of good things to 
eat should not be appealed to as a legitimate motive in deal- 
ing with young children. It is a natural interest, one of which 
there is no need to be ashamed, and one of tremendous dynamic 
power. Of course, as other interests appear, appeal to this 
one alone is no longer wise. 

Allied with the food-getting instinct in primitive man was 
the hunting instinct. No particular need of the hunting 
instinct exists any longer, but the original tendency persists. 
Thorndike describes it as follows : "To a small escaping 
object, man, especially if hungry, responds, apart from train- 
ing, by pursuit, being satisfied when he draws nearer to it. 
When within pouncing distance, he pounces upon it, grasping 
at it. If it is not seized, he is annoyed. If it is seized, he 
examines, manipulates and dismembers it, unless some con- 
trary tendency is brought into action by its sliminess, sting, 
or the like. To an object of moderate size and not of offen- 
sive mien moving away from or past him man originally re- 
sponds much as noted above, save that in seizing the object 
chased, he is likely to throw himself upon it, bear it to the 
ground, choke and maul it until it is completely subdued, 
giving then a cry of triumph." 1 Whether there are special- 
ized forms of the hunting instinct, such as hunting for birds' 
nests and eggs, or inserting the fingers in small holes and 
crannies, is still a disputed question. This instinct to hunt 
and subdue animals or other human beings weaker than him- 
self is still seen in civilized man. It is evident in many chil- 
dren's games, where pursuit and capture is the chief element. 
In adults, it is seen in the fondness of many men and some 
women for hunting as a sport, in the tracking instinct of the 
detective, " in the hounding of Quakers, abolitionists, Jews, 
Chinamen, scabs, prophets, or suffragettes of the non-militant 
1 Thorndike, Original Nature of Man, p. 52. 



Tendencies Resulting in Action 51 

variety." The energy is here as a part of the natural equip- 
ment of every individual. It is the business of the educator 
to see that it gets proper opportunity for exercise in the harm- 
less plays of childhood, and that it is diverted into such chan- 
nels that in the adult it may work in the cause of justice and 
of service to the community. 

TEASING. — Teasing and bullying are original tendencies 
which are allied to both the hunting instinct and the instinct 
of manipulation. These two tendencies when to what 
evoked by animals or persons unwilling or unable othe . r te . nd ' 

CTXC16S IS 

to protect themselves are the roots of the so-called teasing 
" cruelty " in children. When it is primarily the si miiar? 
instinct of manipulation, poking, pulling, punching, slapping, 
etc., manifested toward some one who does not " play back," 
the whole response is called teasing. Adults and pet animals 
who do not respond by energetic mastery suffer much at the 
hands of young children in this way. Older children choose 
other children as their victims. When it is the hunting in- 
stinct and manifested toward a weaker individual, it is called 
bullying and may be carried to great lengths by individuals 
of a mean nature. Teasing in moderation is thought to be 
good both for the one teased and the one teasing, as it tends 
to arouse initiative ; but if exercised unduly or habitually, 
it is apt to degenerate into bullying. Bullying is possibly the 
one original tendency that seems wholly bad. It is difficult 
to discern in it any element of good, and its uprooting, or the 
substitution of one of the kindlier, more helpful tendencies 
for it must be one of the duties of every teacher. Its per- 
sistence in adult life results in much harm and unhappiness. 
The brutality of the strong towards the weak, the misuse of 
power by governments, the refinement of cruelty shown in 
sarcasm and covered taunts, all find their explanation in this 
original tendency. Children cannot be held responsible for 
its existence in them, for it is part of their inherited equip- 
ment. They are not degenerate when they tease or bully, 



52 Psychology of Childhood 

but for the good of society these tendencies must be modified 
and changed. 

OWNERSHIP AND COLLECTING. — The instincts of 
ownership and collection are two non-social tendencies closely 
Why is it allied. There is a tendency in every child to ap- 
worth while p roa ch an y attractive object, seize and carry it off 

to tram the . t . . J . . J ' , , . 

collecting if it is not too large. At a later age, such objects 
instinct? are p U {- together in some convenient place, looked 
at in the mass, fingered and perhaps arranged. These objects 
gather value simply because they are possessed, and aimless 
collecting and storing of all sorts of valueless objects becomes 
a habit. Other instincts, such as manipulation, curiosity, 
rivalry, are aroused in connection with the possessions. 
Kline, 1 in his investigation of the instinct of ownership, says 
that the first objects to be claimed are those instrumental in 
satisfying hunger ; in the second group are those that admin- 
ister to bodily comfort, such as " mother's lap " and a " special 
chair," etc. ; in the third group are articles of motion and 
articles of dress, followed by articles used in imitative plays. 
This tendency, which originates as a blind one to grasp and 
keep anything attracting attention, soon resulting in a child's 
claiming his bottle, his crib, his toys and clothes, develops 
into one of the strongest governing forces in civilized life. 
The mere fact of ownership or possession is enough to make 
one exert all one's powers to retain acquisitions. One's in- 
genuity is never more taxed than when desirous of possessing 
some object be it article of adornment, something ministering 
to a hobby, a job, or a piece of information. Everything 
in life may be claimed and is claimed by this instinct, 
and the pursuance of " my " in any situation adds a 
power that is difficult to measure. It is " my " home 
and possessions, "my" family, "my" friends, "my" repu- 
tation and interests, " my " business concern, " my " town, 
"my" state, "my" country and the same sense of posses- 

1 The Psychology of Ownership, Ped. Sem., Vol. VI. 



Tendencies Resulting in Action 53 

sion often spreads so that it includes opinions, principles, 
ethics, and religion. 

Training needed. — This tendency to reach out, to possess, 
to hold, often hinders good judgment and obscures the issues 
of life. It is frequently antagonistic to the social instincts 
of sympathy and kindliness; and because of these facts, 
teachers have usually refrained from appealing to it, have 
ignored its existence as far as possible. Nothing could be a 
more unwise treatment. Its very strength and persistence 
make such a manner of dealing with it futile, indeed often 
harmful. As a natural tendency it necessarily precedes the 
social instincts. One's value as a citizen depends on one's 
possessions, not only material, but intellectual and spiritual 
as well. An individual must have possessions worth while, \ 
must be something worth while, before he will be much worth \ 
while to others. The instinct of ownership is the necessary 
foundation for all personal value. It should then be appealed 
to, made use of in the home and school. It is a perfectly 
legitimate motive, and a valuable source of power. True, an 
adjustment is necessary between this non-social and sometimes 
anti-social tendency and the social tendencies ; but this ad- 
justment comes only through much experience and teaching. 
Modification of the first crude tendency comes about as the 
child claims possessions of greater and greater value, from the 
physical and material to the spiritual, and as he learns that 
possessions in common are often worth more than those purely 
individual. 

Changes with age. — The collecting of perfectly valueless 
articles is a strong tendency in childhood, and one not tran- 
sitory. Miss Burk 1 found it present at six years of age, and 
to be present as far as she tested, through seventeen, though 
the time of greatest prominence seems to be between nine and 
ter ears of age when the average number of collections per 
child is 4.4. The thing collected seems to depend largely on 
1 The Collecting Instinct, Ped. Sem., Vol. VII. 



54 Psychology of Childhood 

the environment, this instinct at first being merely to hoard 
something or other. The next stage involves rivalry — and 
the aim becomes to outstrip others in point of numbers in the 
collection. In the third stage, some attention is paid to ar- 
rangement and order ; but at no time is the inherent value of 
the object an important factor. It is found that objects of 
nature precede both literary and esthetic objects as materials 
for collection. The strength of this tendency in childhood 
and the fact that it is still present in so many adults — wit- 
ness the collections of string pieces, bottles, boxes, corks, bags, 
hats, etc., as well as those of hunting trophies, stamps, coins, 
rugs, china, art objects, etc. — suggest that the schools 
would do well to use the instinct more. An indefinite tend- 
ency — that fact in itself gives any environmental force great 
power in directing it. Emphasis must be laid on the arrange- 
ment of the material and the criticism as to the value of the 
things collected for the purpose held in mind. Only so can 
we train into scientific method and utilize this tendency for 
constructive social work. It has been used somewhat in 
the intermediate grammar grades in connection with nature 
study and home geography, but even there it might be used 
further. In the upper grammar and early high school it could 
be appealed to in connection with vocabulary study, either in 
English or a modern language, in the collection of facts of all 
kinds in the study of literature and history, as well as in the 
study of the arts and sciences. Every use of one of these 
original tendencies is economy, and much more could be done 
in this direction than has thus far been worked out. 

FIGHTING. — The instinct of fighting, pugnacity, is one 
of the strongest original tendencies possessed by the human 
How may race. It is stronger in men than in women, but it 
the fighting j s present in all normal individuals. It is a second- 

instinct be A . . . , 

aroused and ary instinct, in that it presupposes the presence 
directed? f otrier instincts. McDougall, Kirkpatrick, and 
Thorndike all agree that it is aroused when any other instinc- 



Tendencies Resulting in Action 55 

tive tendency is thwarted. Because it is dependent on the 
presence of other instincts in themselves essentially differing 
from each other, the righting instinct is aroused by many dif- 
ferent situations, and the responses must therefore be varied. 
Thwarting the instinct of physical activity, as when a baby 
is held, arouses the fighting instinct which manifests itself in 
a definite way. Thwarting the instinct of curiosity, of hunt- 
ing, of collecting, of self-display, of mastery, or of sex in each 
case brings a response in terms of fighting ; and that response 
must be different because of the difference in the stimulus. 
This fact makes it one of the most general as well as one of the 
most variable of the original responses of action. It shows 
itself in the very young baby in screaming, pushing away, 
kicking, writhing, etc. It shows itself in the older child in 
crying, running away from or towards, dodging, kicking, etc., 
and in the boy of eight or nine in the regular hand-to-hand 
fight, depending in each case on the cause for the particular 
manifestation. The attitude taken by adults towards this 
tendency is one of intense disapproval. Boys are put on their 
honor not to fight and are punished if they do. Granted that 
this tendency does bring much trouble both to the boy and 
his parents, is it wise to try to stamp it out by such means? 
Is it wise to stamp it out at all? McDougall says, " The in- 
stinct of pugnacity has played a part second to none in the 
evolution of social organization, and in the present age it 
operates more powerfully than any other in producing demon- 
strations of collective emotion and action on a great scale." l 
Again, in comparing the peoples of Europe and those of India 
and China, he says of the two latter, " The bulk of the people 
are deficient in the pugnacious instinct ; they are patient and 
long suffering, have no taste for war, and, in China especially, 
they despise the military virtues. At the same time they 
seem to be deficient in those social qualities which may be 
summed up under the one word ' conscientiousness,' and 

1 Social Psychology, p. 279. 



56 Psychology of Childhood J 

which" are the cement of societies and essential factors of their 
progressive integration." x 

Training needed. — If this is true, and there is every reason 
to believe it, this crude, often cruel, instinct has in it possi- 
bilities of development which make for cooperation, group- 
spirit, and moral fiber. The social instincts are then de- 
pendent to some extent on this individualistic, non-social root. 
The trouble with parents and teachers often is, that they want 
to omit the first crude stage of the tendency and come at once 
to its higher levels ; but on logical grounds alone, it is hard to 
see how, if a boy has been required to inhibit such pugnacious 
tendencies on the physical level, he can later on fight for 
country or friends or principles. He has not known what it 
means, when thwarted, to stand for his wishes and rights; 
he has not known the sweets of success or the shame of de- 
feat ; he has not known what it means to suffer for the sake 
of gaining something that seems worth while. The door has 
been shut on all this opportunity when first the instinct was 
strong ; how then can we expect him later on to fight his dif- 
ficulties, take his stand for the right, to suffer for it if need be ? 
As well expect a spoiled child who has always had his own way 
to be generous, or one who has never heard music to appre- 
ciate a Beethoven sonata. As in other instances already 
discussed, the tendency is there to be used, not to be merely 
suppressed. It is possible that women would not be so open 
to the criticism of being " lacking in honor," " of not under- 
standing fair play," or being sneaky and underhand if this 
tendency had received proper treatment in childhood. Fight- 
ing, real physical combat, is a good thing for girls as well as 
boys, but that is only a starting point. The tendency needs 
modification. The child needs to learn not only to fight for 
his own rights, but for the rights of others ; he needs to learn 
to be generous in the interpretation of his rights, and to sub- 
merge his interests in those of the group, — to learn coopera- 

1 Social Psychology, p. 291. 



Tendencies Resulting in Action 57 

tive pugnacity. The situation arousing the fighting instinct 
and the response itself should pass from the physical to the 
spiritual level. Inhibition must be taught in connection with 
it so that the child learns self-control. Not disuse, nor sup- 
pression by punishment, but graded substitutions leading to 
sublimation is the necessary treatment. 

The over-manifestation of the tendency is usually due to 
an environment that is not satisfying the normal demands of 
the growing child. Some instincts have been continually 
thwarted by the conditions in which the child has spent his 
time, and therefore the pugnacious instinct has been aroused. 
True, its manifestation may be delayed because of fear, but, 
released from that, it appears. A schoolroom where the in- 
stincts of curiosity, love of approval, mastery, and physical 
activity are thwarted all day long is a hotbed for the pugna- 
cious instinct ; children released from such a room are ripe 
for trouble. Give the natural powers of the child oppor- 
tunities for normal exercise, use a little tact in dealing with 
the unusually pugnacious boy, and the fighting evil will almost 
disappear. An eighth-grade class in a Massachusetts town 
had to pass judgment on the case of one of its members, con- 
tinually in trouble because of his fights on the way home from 
school. He was a vigorous, active lad and his classmates 
decided he " didn't have enough to do " ; so they sentenced 
him to punch a hay bag in the basement of the school for ten 
minutes every day before he went home. The boy was re- 
formed, for the instinct of physical activity worked itself off 
before the boy met others on the way home, and therefore the 
temptation was removed. The same end might have been 
gained without the energy being wasted ; but more of just 
such ingenuity in diagnosing is needed in dealing with all these 
non-social instincts if their full value is to be realized. 

Exercises 

1. Give, or collect, examples of the late development of the use 
of compound tenses, adverbs, pronouns, conjunctions. 



58 Psychology of Childhood 

2. Trace the stages necessary in transforming original food- 
getting tendencies into table manners. How might schools help 
in directing this instinct? 

3. Do the same, in detail, for the fighting instinct. 

4. Observe instances of the fighting instinct in : 

(a) Adults in a crowd. 

(b) Young children or animals held against their will. 

(c) People when aroused by fear. 
How do the responses differ? 

Questions for Discussion 

1. How is teasing different from play ? 

2. Did you make any collection as a child? If so, of what, and 
at what age? Why was it interesting? Has it led to anything 
useful ? 

3. Instance changes in methods and materials used in teaching 
Utile children that have been made in consequence of the formula- 
tion of the "fundamental to accessory" theory. 

4. Name plays and games that utilize any or all of the tendencies 
discussed in this chapter. 

References for Reading 

Thorndike, Original Nature of Man, chs. 6, 10. 

Bolton, Principles of Education, ch. 7. 

O'Shea, Linguistic Development and Education, chs. 2, 3, 4, 5. 

Burk, Ped. Sent., Vol. 7, pp. 179-207. 



CHAPTER IV 



THE SOCIAL INSTINCTS 



In this group of the so-called Social Instincts, the stimulus 
is the presence or behavior of some human being. A situa- 
tion devoid of human beings could not carry out any 
of these responses. This was not true of the former t he^n- S 
groups. As has already been indicated, the groups social from 
overlap, some of the non-social instincts being instincts. 
called out by human beings, for instance, fighting. 
Both groups work together in building up a social com- 
munity. 

The social instincts to be discussed are : (i) Motherly be- 
havior and the allied tendencies of kindliness and sympathy ; 
(2) gregariousness ; (3) desire for approval, and display ; 
(4) rivalry ; (5) imitation ; (6) sex behavior. 

MOTHERLY BEHAVIOR. — Among the crude, violent, 
often selfish natural tendencies, the maternal instinct with 
its accompanying kindliness and sympathy stands out in 
strong relief. This group is one of the roots of humaneness ; 
it is the source of altruism, and of the consciousness of the 
brotherhood of man. Only in connection with the motherly 
instinct is the tender emotion found, that desire to shelter 
that makes for the warmth and intimacy of home relations. 
The maternal instinct is found in both men and women, 
though in greater strength in the latter, while the responses 
are different in the two sexes. To babies, women tend to 
respond by cuddling, handling, kissing, cooing, etc., and to 
babies in pain or discomfort, there is an added response of 
active measures for their relief. Men tend to respond to 

59 



60 Psychology of Childhood 

babies less by tendencies to clasp and fondle ; but tendencies 
to watch and be interested in their play, to feed and protect 
them are present. Of course, this general tendency to be in- 
terested in babies becomes narrowed and fixed by the posses- 
sion of a baby. The maternal instinct then becomes modified 
by the instinct of ownership, and the resulting combination 
is one of the strongest motives in life. Parents' love for their 
children may become a governing passion, overshadowing 
everything else. Nothing is too great to give or to bear for 
the sake of their children. The lives of daily self-sacrifice 
and denial, of longing and suffering, offered up for the sake 
of their children, none but parents can know. And such 
lives must be, in most cases, their own reward, for there seems 
to be no filial instinct which, in return, makes children mind- 
ful of their parents. The doll-play of very young children, 
boys and girls alike, is in some aspects an early, gradual ap- 
pearance of this instinct, though we have no evidence to show 
that the more inveterate doll-player makes the better parent 
later on. But many other tendencies are involved in doll- 
play, such as manipulation, fetishism, desire for companion- 
ship, dramatic representation, habitation, collecting, even 
bullying. The more obvious, external analogies to parental 
care should not mislead us into thinking it a true growth of 
motherly behavior instinct proper. 

Kindliness. — Kindliness and sympathy are more diffuse, 
less definite tendencies. Their source seems to be, first, the 
tendency to pay attention to any other human being, and to 
relieve hunger or pain ; and second, to be satisfied with happy 
and contented behavior in others, and to enjoy it. Good- 
will to men has its roots in the original nature of man. The 
parental instinct alone often becomes narrow and selfish; 
these two allied tendencies make for general comfort and 
happiness. It is an instinct in the human race to make others 
happy, and to be happier because of their happiness. In 
this man transcends the animals. They show the tendency 



The Social Instincts 61 

to motherly behavior, often suffering death in the protection 
of their young; but in man we find these tendencies which 
lead to general community well-being very highly developed. 
In these we find the source of disinterested service and benefi- 
cence, and they are involved, too, in the growth and develop- 
ment of morals. It must be remembered, however, that these 
social instincts grow amidst a welter of individualistic tenden- 
cies, and among other social tendencies largely selfish in 
their ends. It is therefore a very easy matter for them to 
be overlaid, choked out, or perverted to special and narrow 
lines. It remains a fact, in spite of the tendency to bully, 
that the human race instinctively shrinks from the sight of 
suffering for any of its members, and revels in their happiness 
and comfort. To retain these tendencies and yet adjust them 
to the more selfish instincts, to develop them along the lines 
of practical service and prevent their waste in mere effer- 
vescent sentimentality, to extend their field from the physical 
to the realm of the mental and spiritual is one of the most 
important duties of the educator. 

Sympathy. — Sympathy in its first crude form is the result 
of reflex imitation. 1 The baby laughs and cries, looks 
serious or is happy, is irritable or good tempered, 
according to the frame of mind of the adult. Thus llagesof 
at the beginning of life the mental attitudes of develop- 
other people affect the child and make a difference Sympathy. 
in his own feelings. This form can hardly be 
called sympathy in the usual sense of the word, but along with 
the tendency towards kindliness it is the source of the real, 
conscious sympathy which comes later. Somewhere between 
one and four, most children show another response, also a 
pseudo-sympathy. They cry because the doll, the engine, 
or the flower is " hurt." This has been called animistic 
sympathy. Its presence is probably due to two reasons. 
In the first place, the child as a self-conscious being is not 
1 See pages 70 to 74 for fuller discussion of imitation. 



62 Psychology of Childhtid 

fully developed, he has not yet distinguished between the 
parts of his own body, and the " I " which inhabits that body. 
His clothes and his toys, everything he loves, he makes part 
of himself, and therefore responds to the ills of these material 
objects as if they were his own. This at the beginning is 
not conscious personification, but lack of differentiation. 
The second reason is the example of parents and nurses in 
such remarks as, — " Don't kick the chair, it hurts." " Poor 
dolly bumped her head on the floor," etc. Children quickly 
pick up this way of talking, and it encourages this second 
type of sympathy. The sentimental type of nature study 
which gives flowers and seeds, the wind and the rain, feelings 
like those of the child, works toward the same end. This 
sort of thing is not bad, only on general principles it seems 
very unfortunate to do anything which encourages in the 
child false ideas, unless they must of necessity be the only 
way of reaching the end, and that end is worth while. 

True sympathy involves the ability to be sensitive to the 
situation, to understand it, to put one's self in the place of 
the sufferer, and then do what may be done to relieve. The 
same holds true when the sympathy is with joy. Without 
experience one lacks sensitivity and ability to analyze ; with- 
out imagination it is impossible to see one's self as the other 
— to enter into the suffering or the joy and fully sympathize. 
But even these two factors are not enough : one may have 
the experience, possess imagination, but lack the interest in 
people which is the necessary motive power in sympathy. 
Children in their cruelty to animals lack sympathy largely 
because other instincts are for the time being stronger, or 
because their imagination never makes them take the place 
of the animals. They lack sympathy with the joys and 
sorrows of adults, and of those much more fortunate or un- 
fortunate than they because of lack of experience. Adults 
often are lacking in sympathy because of narrowness and 
selfishness ; they are not interested enough in people to care 



The Social Instincts 63 

what happens to them, — the instinct of kindliness has been 
choked. This statement is especially true when there are 
no signs of violent physical suffering. To keep alive the 
instinct of kindliness and to develop true sympathy from 
the crude roots are important for social progress and well-being. 
This means giving children breadth of experience, both real 
and vicarious, developing their imaginations and develop- 
ing interest in people by giving them opportunities to do things 
for real people in real situations. 

GREGARIOUSNESS. — In common with many of the 
lower animals, man has the gregarious instinct. He is by 
nature social, responding to the presence of human 
beings with satisfaction and comfort, and to their forZTLes 
absence by restlessness and discomfort. Solitude gregarious- 
is one of the conditions he fears, and being a mem- JJJ^J* 01 * 
ber of a crowd is in itself a pleasure. This desire for 
the presence of others shows itself in babies. Being left 
alone in the room will often call from the baby a cry of dis- 
tress, and the adult human being seems to afford the greatest 
comfort to him. After babyhood, the instinct shows itself 
more particularly in desire for companions of the same age, 
although at adolescence there may be a desire for associa- 
tion with those older. It is also true that an adult, if left 
alone in a house, finds comfort in the presence of a child. 

Value, for development. — In savage communities, this 
instinct was necessary for the procuring of food and for pro- 
tection, and from it have grown the social and community 
life which make for civilization and progress. It is noticeable 
that in general to-day, community of interests is the tie that 
binds groups together. It binds people together in the same 
section; it causes people of one nationality to congregate 
in one section of a city or state. With this tendency as the 
foundation, together with the food-getting, hunting, and 
fighting instincts, it is easy to see how cooperation developed ; 
but without the gregarious instincts bringing individuals 



64 Psychology of Childhood 

together, making their presence a satisfaction and their ab- 
sence a discomfort, it is probable that the so-called social 
interests would have been very slow to develop. 

McDougall illustrates this by the fact that " On their few 
short holidays the working classes rush together from town 
and country alike to those resorts in which they are assured 
of the presence of a large mass of their fellows." ... " How 
much more satisfying is a good play if one sits in a well-filled 
theater than if half the seats are empty ; especially if the 
house is unanimous and loud in the expression of its feelings." 
But he also thinks that in our present state of civilization, 
it is overdeveloped. He says, " The administrative authori- 
ties have shown of late years a disposition to encourage in 
every possible way the gregarious tendency. On the slightest 
occasion they organize some show which shall draw huge 
crowds, many thousands of people from their work to spend 
the day in worse than useless idleness, confirming their al- 
ready over-developed gregarious instincts. There can be 
no doubt that the excessive indulgence of this impulse is 
one of the greatest demoralizing factors of the present time." x 
There can be no doubt of the strength of this instinct. The 
crowds that walk on " parade " thoroughfares, the congre- 
gation of people at seaside resorts and at displays of all kinds, 
are proofs of its strength. The popularity of strikes, the 
difficulty farmers have to secure farm-hands, and housewives 
have to get house workers are all somewhat the result of this 
tendency. 

Importance in child life. — The strength of this instinct 
and its value in developing the individual through coopera- 
tion with others which it encourages make it of great im- 
portance that the child should have companions of more or 
less his own age. The only child, or the lonely child in a 
family who grows to the age of eight or nine with no play- 
fellows of his own age, loses much that is difficult to make 
1 McDougall, Social Psychology, pp. 96 and 29S. 



The Social Instincts 65 

up later. For such a child, attendance at kindergarten and 
school may be the best possible help. This tendency shows 
itself in children during the pre-adolescent years, especially in 
the so-called " gang " instinct so prominent during the years 
ten to fifteen. The spread of this tendency is hardly recog- 
nized by adults. Sheldon l found 934 different societies or 
clubs among 1139 boys, and 911 societies to which 1145 girls 
belonged. Puffer 2 says " it is safe to say that three out of 
every four boys belong to a gang " ; only 21 per cent of the 
13-year-old boys interrogated had never belonged to a gang, 
and 26 per cent of the 12-year-old boys. This instinct has 
bound up with it the desire for physical activity, the love of 
adventure, and the interest of getting results which count. 

Swift in his book entitled " Youth and the Race " points 
out how the school, especially at this period, occupied as it 
is with fact-getting and drill, ignores, frustrates, and an- 
tagonizes these innate tendencies at every turn. He says, 
" The school is composed of two opposing forces : the one, 
the teacher, trying to win attention by creating factitious 
interests, and the other, the children, momentarily attracted 
by these devices but always watchful of a chance to assert 
their social selves. . . . We have seen that the same subjects 
of study are tedious under the ordinary class method and 
interesting when made the order of business in a club of the 
members of the class of which the teacher is an integral but 
inconspicuous part. The club idea appeals to the racial in- 
stincts of love of glory — • showing off and personal competi- 
tion, both of which are elements in the group sentiment." 3 
It is certainly true that this tendency contains much of value, 
and it is the business of the school at this time, as at all others, 
to make use of the energy the child has and to mold and direct 
the tendencies which are hereditary. 

The attempts at ignoring or suppressing this instinct are 

1 Am. J. Psych., Vol. o, p. 249. 2 Ped. Sem., Vol. 12, p. 176. 

3 Youth and the Race, p. 285. 
P 



66 Psychology of Childhood 

the cause of much of the problems of discipline in the schools 
and of the juvenile delinquency which troubles the courts of 
the big cities. The fact that the schools, many of them, are 
so organized that this instinct is not given opportunity to 
work itself out in connection with the school work is the 
cause of much of the dissatisfaction with school in boys of 
eleven and twelve, as well as the cause of much of the dropping 
out from the sixth and seventh grades. However, recent 
broadening of the school duties and functions is in line with 
a fuller provision for the gregarious instinct in its various forms. 
The school playgrounds, school government, the more ex- 
tended use of the school plant for clubs and societies and classes 
of all kinds, as well as the changes in classroom method, — 
all these movements help towards a fuller recognition of the 
child nature in the pre-adolescent years. 

DESIRE FOR APPROVAL, AND DISPLAY. — Man's 
attitude towards approval and scorn is part of his original 
equipment. By nature he is satisfied and made happy by 
approving looks, smiles, hand-touches of those about him 
felt to be equal or superior, or the admiring glances of in- 
feriors, and he is made uncomfortable by scowls, frowns, 
derisive looks and jeers. Love, respect, or admiration for 
those administering the approval or the disapproval of course 
intensifies its effect. 

Differences with maturity. — In connection with this 
innate desire for approval, the human being has also the 
tendency towards display. To " show off " is in- 
flow do the stinctive ; every one has the tendency to do it in 
oTth^di- the presence of those from whom he wishes to win 
play instinct approval. From the "see me" of the baby, 

change with ■ , , n . , ., r , 1 i 

age? through the strut or other special gait of the ado- 

lescent to the adult who " puts the best foot first," 
the tendency is the natural one of winning approving responses 
by means of display. The power shown and the persons from 
whom approval is demanded or scorn avoided change as the 



The Social Instincts 67 

child grows older and experience modifies his first crude 
reactions. At first, the display is of new things learned, 
new words, new tricks, or new manners ; in childhood it is 
often physical skill or powers. It is at this latter stage that 
competition plays such a large part in connection with the 
display of various feats. In adolescence the display may 
include intellectual and moral qualities ; it is in connection 
with these also that the adult tries to win approval. The 
persons from whom the approval is most desired are at first 
the adults of the immediate family, usually the mother ; as 
the child enters the school world the opinion of the teacher 
becomes of first importance ; with the prominence of the 
" gang " spirit in pre-adolescent and adolescent years, the 
opinion of companions of the chosen group becomes the 
most compelling influence in the child's life. If there is 
hero-worship at this time, of course the approval of the hero 
often becomes more valuable to the boy or girl than even 
what the others think. The adult seeks the approval of 
friends and acquaintances and society at large. 

The power of the prevailing customs or traditions to hold 
men and women to certain lines of conduct is due largely to 
their fear of public scorn and love of public approval. Why 
do men wear stiff collars when soft ones would often be more 
comfortable ? Why do women buy a new hat fall and spring, 
or at least have the old one made over, when it is perfectly 
good and more becoming than the new one? " The institu- 
tion of tipping, which began perhaps in kindliness and was 
fostered by economic self interest, is now well-nigh impreg- 
nable because no man is brave enough to withstand the scorn 
of a line of lackeys whom he heartily despises, or of a few 
onlookers whom he will never see again." l It is true that 
" The strength of the regard men pay to public opinion, the 
strength of their desire to secure the approval and avoid the 
disapproval of their fellowmen, goes beyond all rational 

1 Thorndike, op. cit., p. 90. 



68 Psychology of Childhood 

grounds " ; but as has been shown it is a natural tendency 
of great power, and it needs direction rather than suppres- 
sion, for in it are elements that lead to the higher develop- 
ment of the individual and society, elements of value and of 
strength. McDougall says concerning it, " For the praise 
and blame of our fellows, especially as expressed by the voice 
of public opinion, are the principal and most effective sanc- 
tions of moral conduct for the great mass of men ; without 
them few of us would rise above the level of mere law-abid- 
ingness, the mere avoidance of acts on which legal punishment 
surely follows ; and the strong regard for social approval 
and disapproval constitutes an essential stage of the prog- 
ress to the higher plane of morality, the plane of obligation to 
an ideal of conduct." x It is the business of the school to see 
that this progression takes place, and it cannot come through 
the ignoring of the root motive. Appeal to love of approval 
is perfectly legitimate, provided both the kind of appeal and 
the kind of approval desired are progressive. The personal 
approval of the teacher for good work is a legitimate appeal 
for children of primary school age, but that same appeal 
made to high-school students is not, for they are capable of 
response to a higher type. It is only by means of progressive 
appeals that the child learns to distinguish between conduct 
due to the force of public opinion, and that which is an obliga- 
tion to an ideal of conduct. 

RIVALRY. — Rivalry or emulation as an instinct is usually 
taken for granted, but it has been left in general, vague 
terms. Both McDougall and Thorndike have re- 
the'wSuM cent ly pointed out that it is not such an all-in- 
o] [the elusive tendency as has been supposed. It is 

instinct? probable that as a matter of original nature, apart 
from learning, the impulse of rivalry shows itself 
only in connection with activities which are in themselves 
instinctive. Man, hunting or collecting or reaching out for 

1 Op. cil., pp. 188, 189. 



The Social Instincts 69 

things or tryi^ to win approval, works more energetically 
when fellow creatures are doing the same things, and feels 
keener satisfaction at success or keener disappointment at 
failure than when he works alone. Though this is the crude 
foundation upon which experience builds all the later habits 
of rivalry, it still remains true, however, that it is much 
easier to appeal to the interest in surpassing others in such 
things as sports and games, than in situations when the 
quality concerned is moral or intellectual. To use the in- 
stinct of rivalry in the gymnasium to get a boy to lengthen 
his jump is easy, but to use it in making a boy more studious 
or more truthful is very much more difficult. 

Dynamic value. — The strength of the crude instinct is 
shown by the power it has gained in its modified forms in all 
departments of life. It is competition which speeds up the 
wheels in the business world. It is said of Bismarck that 
" There was nothing a rival could say or do but Bismarck if he 
chose, would say or do something which made it appear a 
failure." The attitude which controls men to-day every- 
where in the endeavor to outdo the next man in business, 
to make appearance, to have a better house, even to have 
children surpassing his — this motive is the controlling one 
in the lives of the majority of men and women. It appears 
in art and literature. Even the churches are not free from 
it ; to send more money to missions, to have a larger congre- 
gation, to have more people join the church during a year is 
a positive satisfaction. 

Danger of overdevelopment. — The dangers from such an 
attitude can be readily seen ; it is working in opposition to 
kindliness and sympathy, and is often antagonistic 

, ,. -xr 4. A. - 4.' 4. ( • i • With what 

to cooperation. Yet the instinct of rivalry is a other tend _ 

force of tremendous power, — a force necessary in endesdoes 

such a complex civilization as ours to make for the "onflkt? 
best development, to weed out the useless and 

crown individual effort and ability with success. This end 



70 Psychology of Childhood 

is the ideal, and it cannot be attained unless ^ucators frankly 
recognize this part of the child's original equipment, realizing 
its value while facing at the same time the dangers of its 
misuse. To train a child so that the motive of rivalry will 
work in the higher fields of intellect and character instead 
of only in the field of the physical and material, is well worth 
while. So to train him that individual competition becomes 
group competition is to train for unselfishness. Wher^the 
group concerned is not merely his " gang," but a larger group 
composed not only of friends but also of strangers, all of whom 
are working for a common end against another similarly con- 
stituted group, much has been done towards developing a 
social consciousness. But the child must be met at the level 
of his development. To overemphasize group work and 
group competition in the kindergarten and early primary 
grades when individual competition is so strong is contrary 
to the nature of the child. On the other hand, to give little 
or no group work in the upper primary and grammar grades 
at a time when the gang spirit is developing, and therefore 
when group competition could easily be appealed to, is waste- 
ful. The process must be progression, from individual to 
group, from lower levels to higher ; but the start must be 
made with the crude form and not at some stage far in ad- 
vance. This tendency, like all the others discussed, is in 
the child to be used and modified, not just to be accepted, 
nor to be ignored. 

IMITATION AS AN INSTINCT. — To include imita- 
tion as an important instance in all lists of instincts has been 
customary. Imitation has been defined as the tendency by one 
individual to copy the actions or movements of other individu- 
als. James says :* " This sort of imitativeness is possessed by 
man in common with other gregarious animals and is an in- 
stinct in the fullest sense of the term." Kirkpatrick defines it 
" as #ie tendency to repeat what has been perceived, especially 

1 Psychology, Vol. 2, p. 40S. 



The Social Instincts 71 

the sounds and movements made by others of the same species." 
"Everything, from the crowing of chickens to the whistle of a 
locomotive, from the wriggling of a snake to the preaching of 
a sermon, is imitated. Nothing in his environment, physical 
or social, escapes the child." l This is the historic view of 
imitation, but some more recent writers have questioned the 
existence in the instinctive form of such a wholesale tendency 
to reproduce in one's self one's environment. Cooley writes, 
" The ' imitative instinct ' is sometimes spoken of as if it 
were a mysterious something that enabled the child to per- 
form involuntarily and without preparation acts that are 
quite new to him. . . . This doing of new things without 
definite preparation, either in heredity or experience, would 
seem to involve something like special creation in the mental 
and nervous organism ; and the imitation of children has no 
such character. It is quite evidently an acquired power, 
and if the act imitated is at all complex the learning process 
involves a good deal of thought and will." 2 Thorndike in 
discussing the same subject says, " On the whole, the imita- 
tive tendencies which pervade human life and which are 
among the most powerful forces with and against which 
education and social reform work, are, for the most part, not 
original tendencies to respond to behavior seen by duplicating 
it in the same mechanical way that one responds to light by 
contracting the pupil, but must be explained as ihe results of 
the arousal, by the behavior of other men, of either special 
instinctive responses or ideas and impulses which have formed, 
in the course of experience, connections with that sort of 
behavior." 3 McDougall, too, denies the existence of a 
general instinct of imitation. # 

It is specialized. — That there is an instinct of imitation 
is not being questioned by any of the writers quoted, but their 

1 Fundamentals of Child Study, pp. 58 and 131. 

2 Human Nature and the Social Order, p. 26. 

3 The Original Nature of Man, p. 122. 



72 Psychology of Childhood 

contention is that it is very much less general, very much 
more highly specialized than was commonly believed. The 
trend of opinion at present is to deny an instinctive basis to 
any of the forms of imitation, save the form known as " re- 
flex " imitation. Man laughs, cries, runs, looks, frowns, 
snatches, crouches, and hunts when others do because of an 
instinctive tendency. This is the crude root from which the 
other forms spring. That other forms, i.e. " spontaneous " 
and " voluntary," exist is no doubt true but they are habits, 
learned and built up just as any other habits are learned. 

Most imitation is due to habit. — The chief reasons for 
denying a general instinct of imitation are three : First, it is 
difficult to see how the nervous system could be arranged in 
order to provide such an instinct ; second, the higher animals, 
even the monkeys, prove to be lacking in any such general 
tendency; third, the close observers of children fail to find 
evidence of a general tendency to imitate. 

If this point of view is correct and imitation is largely habit, 

then the educator has a much greater control over it, for 

it must be governed by the same laws which con- 
Whatare , , . . , i 

some ad- trol learning m general, the laws of exercise and 

V imUathn? f effect - The child imitates his fellows in all sorts of 
ways because satisfaction has been derived from 
such action, not because he cannot help it. For the same 
reason the gputh #pes his elders and one nation imitates 
another. The force of these habits has already been pointed 
out. " Imitation is the prime condition of all collective 
mental life." Custom and tradition in all fields are but an 
expression of its power. Because it has been found that the 
-imitation of the thing in vogue, no matter what it may be, 
brings public approval, and the violation of the prevailing 
custom brings scorn and criticism, man does and thinks as 
others of his group do and think. This tendency may be 
seen in politics, education, and religion, as well as in the trivial 
matters of dress. Young men vote as their fathers do, and 



The Social Instincts 73 

show the attitude towards religious matters which is that of 
their family and their community. The dangers of such 
habits are evident ; mechanically used, they make for stagna- 
tion instead of progress, for dependence and blind following 
instead of independence and originality. Some communities 
and even nations are examples of imitation " run to seed." 

Value of imitation. — Despite these very grave dangers, 
the fact of imitation is of inestimable value to the human 
race, and the crude root instinct is one of humanity's most 
valuable assets. It is the great conservative power by means 
of which the culture, inventions, ideals of each generation 
are passed on to the next. By means of habits of imitation 
the child can very much abridge the tiresome method of 
learning by trial and error, and can learn what his father 
knows in very much shorter time. It is also a great power 
for progress, both for the nation and the individual ; for the 
former in that by this means the ideas and ideals of especially 
gifted minds come to be adopted by large numbers of people ; 
for the latter, in that it permits him to gain a large variety 
of experience, and therefore to grow in originality. It is the 
means by which " the child is led on from the life of mere 
animal impulse to the life of self-control, deliberation and 
true volition. And it has played a similar part in the develop- 
ment of the human race and of society." 

As a method of learning then, it is to be encouraged in all 
fields, — in art, in literature, in industry, in teaching, in 
morals, in character, imitation is well worth while. Few, 
very few, will go to the second stage, that of constructive 
leadership, fewer still will think things out for themselves; 
the vast majority in all departments of life will be the fol- 
lowers. Well for them if in their lives they conserve the 
best that both the past ages and the present have to offer. 
For all, imitation must not be merely a means of gaining 
public approval by the slavish following of the present mode, 
but should involve conscious choice of models, should in- 



74 Psychology of Childhood 

volve analysis of the method of gaining results comparable 
with the model in order that attainment may more nearly 
measure up with ideals. This use of imitation involves judg- 
ment and choice, constructive imagination and independent 
work. With a background of experience of imitating various 
models, say in music or in literature, the individual may then 
fairly be called upon to give his own interpretation, and to 
produce something original. Thus in rhythmic order, imita- 
tion is succeeded by invention, and that in turn by new and 
fuller imitations, and thus the scale ascends. It follows, 
therefore, that the work of the educator in connection with 
imitation is : to build on to reflex imitation habits of imitation 
of all kinds ; to develop judgment and analysis in connection 
with choice of models and methods ; to require a balancing 
of results in comparison with the model; to provide many 
and varied models to encourage invention, independence, 
originality as a result of varied imitations. 

SEX INSTINCT. — That the sex instinct, the instinct 
which leads to the reproduction of the race, is one of the 
strongest, if not the strongest that man possesses, needs no 
emphasis. The structure of society voices its strength, while 
literature, art, and music are evidences of its beauty. This 
instinct should not be confused with the instinct of motherly 
behavior ; the two are distinct, although they are probably 
related, and they exist in different degrees of development 
in the same individual. 

Stages and fields of development. — Real knowledge con- 
cerning the course of development of the sex instinct is only 
Distinguish now being obtained, and there is much disagree- 
between the ment concerning most of the important points. 
the psychical This ^ act * s due to the cloak of silence and insinua- 
sideofthe tion of shame that tradition has thrown about 
everything connected with sex, and to the difficulty 
of observing the stages of its development in children. The 
common viewpoint has been that the child " matured " 



The Social Instincts 75 

at adolescence, that this maturing was accompanied by 
certain physical signs which are the conditions of the presence 
of the sex instinct. According to Moll, this opinion con- 
tains two errors. In the first place " maturing " occurs on 
the average much sooner than the so-called adolescent age, 
and in the second place, the presence of the sex impulse is 
not dependent on these physical signs. The evidence shows 
that the sex instinct begins its development before eight 
years of age, and continues to grow in strength, though not 
continuously, up to maturity. Processes occurring in two 
distinctly different fields combine to make up the sex impulse 
proper. The first set of processes go on in the physical realm 
wholly, and consist of the various sensations, nerve disturb- 
ances, reflexes, secretions, and the like, which together are 
called the phenomena of detumescence. The second set are 
in the psychic realm, and include the various attractions, 
fallings in love and kindred emotions, also the sentiments of 
disgust, shame, and modesty, which together make up the 
phenomena of contrectation. In the normal adult these 
two sets of impulses are coordinated and synchronized ; but 
during the long development of childhood and early ado- 
lescence either set may occur independently of the other. 

Normal and abnormal development. — In the first, or 
neutral, period of earliest childhood. practically no contrecta- 
tion impulses are felt ; and such detumescence 
processes as are present are felt but vaguely with of Jl^vJhp^ 
little sex consciousness or localized sensations mentdoes 
except in pathological cases. This period is fol- S fo™? S '" C 
lowed by the undifferentiated stage, beginning 
usually about the eighth year of life, sometimes as early as 
the fifth, occasionally not till the tenth and lasting till the 
age of fifteen or so, in some cases up to even twenty years 
old. During this period the contrectation impulses fre- 
quently become very marked ; children form strong attach- 
ments for other children or for adults of either sex, some- 



76 Psychology of Childhood 

times even for animals, but there may be quite a succession 
of these objects of affection. These impulses are expressed 
by taking every chance to see, be with, touch, kiss, or em- 
brace the person who is for the time being the one beloved, 
or even, in a sort of fetishism, any article belonging to, or 
touched by that one. Romantic dreams, blind jealousy 
mingled with passionate devotion often produce most erratic 
conduct, from slavish imitation to outbursts of wild display. 
Cases of " calf-love " and " crushes " are illustrations of 
these complexes. All this does not mean to imply that every 
case of enthusiastic friendship is a manifestation of the sex 
instinct, either in this period or the succeeding one ; but that, 
very frequently, the incompletely developed instinct does 
show itself for a while in this form. In the genuine, sex- 
dominated loves, however, there may be lacking every simul- 
taneous, localized sex-feeling proper, especially any conscious 
connection for the child with physical changes and processes ; 
though sometimes the keen desire for close proximity leads 
to undesirable practices, not to say real risks. As a matter 
of fact, the coincidence in adolescence of a rush of affection 
and of an involuntary orgasm may come as a complete sur- 
prise to the individual experiencing it. 

During the undifferentiated stage, as the body gradually 
matures and the secondary sexual characteristics appear, 
there may be exhibited, quite independent of the psychic 
symptoms, various tendencies which need careful watching 
lest they harden into habits and develop into perversions 
later on. Among these may be mentioned exhibitionism, 
masturbation, skatophilia, mutual malpractice with either 
sex including masochistic and sadistic acts. The instincts 
of curiosity, love of novel experiences and of sensations for 
their own sake, combined with manipulation are quite suffi- 
cient to account for the easy start of bad habits, especially if 
a feeling of shame and a tendency to secretiveness are fostered 
by an unwise atmosphere of concealment and suppression 



The Social Instincts 77 

on the part of the adults. Later, in the fully developed stage, 
the contrectation impulses center themselves normally about 
a member of the opposite sex of near age, the body so matures 
that the complete sexual act is possible, and, as stated before, 
the two sets of impulses are felt in connection with each other. 
There is great individual variation in the time of the beginning 
of these stages just as there is in the time of the onset of 
puberty; but, as in the latter, girls are apt to be a year or 
two ahead of boys of the same age. 

Sex education. — Failure to progress from the undifferen- 
tiated stage may involve abnormal psychic tendencies in 
adult life such as fetishism, sexual anaesthesia, 
homosexuality, and the like even though in mild yea v r *l e to ^ 
forms. It is necessary, therefore, to recognize the important 
significance of the period of childhood for the train- Nation? "" 
ing of healthy-minded, really moral adults. We 
must not make the mistake of supposing we can ignore this 
instinct, so vital to the social welfare, in the years before 
the obvious signs of maturity are present. From the stand- 
point of child psychology, the chief questions of importance 
are: (1) What means should be taken to keep the develop- 
ment normal? (2) What knowledge should be given the child, 
when, and by whom ? (3) What is the duty of teachers towards 
the child so far as this instinct is concerned ? 

Training. — In answering the first question, — on the 
physical side undue activity of the instinct is prevented by 
encouraging much physical outdoor exercise, by not allow- 
ing the child to sleep with another, nor to be too warmly 
covered in bed, nor to stay long in bed after he is awake ; by 
seeing to it that the genitals are kept absolutely clean, and 
that the clothing is not tight, by not allowing the handling 
of the parts by the child nor by any one else ; by being on 
the watch to eliminate corporal punishment, bicycle or horse- 
back riding, gymnastic exercise such as vaulting or pole 
climbing if any sex excitement results. On the mental side, 



78 Psychology of Childhood 

care must be taken that the attitude toward all sex matters 
is not that of shame, nor of mystery, nor that of frivolity, nor 
vulgar familiarity, but one of wholesome, dignified frankness ; 
that the child forms no impure associations with such matters, 
due to bad companions or books or pictures ; that ideals of 
purity, of reverence for parents, of the sacredness and use of 
the sex function be built up from the beginning. 

Instruction. — As to the second question, " What knowl- 
edge should be given the child, when, and by whom? " there is 
much difference of opinion. Moll says, " The sexual en- 
lightenment of the child is advisable. The biological processes 
of sex in the vegetable and lower animal world may be taught 
in school as early as the second period of childhood " (between 
the ages of seven and fourteen). "A warning against the 
dangers of venereal infection may be given at school to the 
senior pupils shortly before they leave, or at some similar 
suitable opportunity. But for effecting enlightenment re- 
garding the processes of the individual sexual life, the school 
is unsuitable ; this matter can best be undertaken by some 
private person, and above all by the mother. Choice of the 
time for the last phase of the sexual enlightenment must be 
guided, in part by the questions of the child, in part by the 
child's physical maturity, but more especially by the indica- 
tions of psychosexual development." l In this connection 
it must be remembered that the question does not involve a 
choice of giving or withholding certain information; chil- 
dren get it anyway. The question is rather, shall it come from 
a reliable source in a way to establish confidence and sympathy, 
with sacred and beautiful associations, or shall it come from 
companions on the street, perverted, untrue, and with coarse 
and brutal associations? It seems safe to answer children's 
questions frankly and truthfully so far as their age will per- 
mit understanding. It should also be borne in mind that 
the instruction should be positive and constructive, dealing 

1 The Sexual Life of the Child, p. 298. 



The Social Instincts 79 

with the normal and leading to high ideals and principles, 
not negative with the emphasis on perversion, and the need of 
avoiding disease. Bigelow instances five types of people 
who are not qualified as teachers along these, lines : (1) those 
who cannot talk calmly and dispassionately on the topic; 
(2) those with abnormal outlook on life, who are too readily 
influenced by psychopathic literature ; (3) insufficiently in- 
formed people, who tend to stress the abnormal in their presen- 
tation because of hasty preparation; (4) people who are 
pessimistic as a result of unfortunate personal experiences ; 
(5) those of flippant attitude and questionable ethical be- 
havior who cannot command the respect of their pupils. 
School teachers of nature study, biology, literature, and civics 
have opportunities not only of giving knowledge but of 
creating the right attitude to the facts. Playground di- 
rectors, the gymnasium teacher, the school nurse, the physi- 
cian may all add to the knowledge along different lines and 
watch over the formation of good habits. Club leaders, 
pastors, social directors find still another avenue of ap- 
proach and field for training. Above all, the home is the 
first and most natural environment in which sex knowl- 
edge may be given if the parents are really awake to their 
responsibility. 

The teacher's duty. — " What is the teacher's duty in all 
this? " Just the same as it has been in connection with the 
other instincts, to prevent its overdevelopment, to adjust it 
to other instincts, to direct it into the highest possible chan- 
nels. This means that a teacher should know the facts re- 
garding sex development, should know the precautions to 
be taken to prevent undue excitement, and should know the 
signs of abnormality so that medical advice could be given 
to a child when needed. She should be ready to give neces- 
sary information to the child if the parents will not, or can- 
not; and she should realize, especially if her work is with 
an ignorant class of people, that it is part of her duty in con- 



80 Psychology of Childhood 

nection with mothers' and fathers' meetings often to give 
them facts in this line and always to raise their ideals, and 
make them realize their responsibility. 

Some dangers exist in connection with instruction along 
this line, both for adults and children, especially to-day when 
the topic is being discussed so freely. One has been indicated 
above, in that the wrong sort of people may offer to teach 
it. Another is that the very strength of the instinct makes 
the individual oversusceptible to suggestion, and harm may 
come from curiosity leading to experimentation. Another is 
that the interest excited in it may be out of proportion, and 
become morbid. Dwelling on this topic results in its being 
given undue prominence, and the individual very quickly 
sees everything in relation to it. This is unfortunate, as 
exaggeration always is ; but it is especially so in this field 
where the fund of emotion is so tremendous, and the dangers 
so grave. " The sphere of the sexual must be regarded as 
a fraction merely of the general educational field. The in- 
culcation of true ideals of morality, and of a sense of honor 
not confined to externals but one by which the entire being 
is permeated, — these will be the safest essential of a good 
sexual and general education." 

Exercises 

i. Spend two half hours, at different times, in intensive obser- 
vation of one child four to six years of age, recording all that he 
does in that period. Analyze this behavior into expressions of the 
various instincts treated in this and the preceding chapter. Note 
particularly the situations arousing responses of fighting, hoard- 
ing, teasing, kindliness, display. 

2. Ask 20 adult acquaintances from whom they acquired their 
first information, and at what age, about (a) ''where the baby 
came from," (b) reproductive functions in their own body, 
(c) the relationship of the sexes. What conclusions do you 
draw as to sources of information and the resulting attitude of 
the child ? 



The Social Instincts 81 

Questions for Discussion 

i. What means may be taken to develop kindliness and sympa- 
thy in children? 

2. How are sympathy and the feeling-of-self related genetically ? 

3. Show how desire for approval may be utilized to motivate 
school work in the third grade, in the eighth grade. To influence 
moral conduct in the kindergarten, the fifth grade, the high school. 

4. In what way should the gang instinct be controlled and di- 
rected ? What is the danger of ignoring it ? 

5. Suggest methods of training that will change personal rivalry 
into group rivalry. 

6. Point out some disadvantages in fashions, customs, prece- 
dents, moral tone, etc., that come from imitation. How may 
the force be made an advantage in these matters ? 

7. What is the difference between sex instruction and sex 
education in (a) aim, (b) method, (c) subject matter? 

8. Give some reasons for information, or training, or both, 
with regard to sex in the first five years of life, the next nine or 
ten years, the later teens. How can social and religious organiza- 
tions help in this matter ? 

9. Discuss the conclusions reached as a result of Exercise 2 
above. 

References for Reading 

McDougall, Social Psychology, pp. 168-173, 329-345, ch. XII. 
Moll, The Sexual Life of the Child, pp. 33-113. 
Bigelow, Sex Education, chs. 4, 6, 7, 8, 9. 
Thorndike, Original Nature of Man, chs. 6, 7, 8. 
Puffer, Boys' Gangs, Ped. Sent., Vol. 12. 



CHAPTER V 
TENDENCIES ACCOMPANIED BY AFFECTIVE STATES 

PHYSIOLOGICAL BASIS FOR SATISFYINGNESS. — 

Man is continually " wanting " something. All people are 
Are some unremittingly doing the same thing, striving to 
situations satisfy their wants and desires, to obtain food, 
Satisfying, friends, reputation, public approval, to outdo 
and annoy- others, to show kindliness, to collect, to gain re- 
sults mental and manual, to rest, — or, on the 
other hand, to avoid deprivation of any of these things, to 
avoid scorn or rebuff, pain or failure. We spend our lives 
striving after certain situations, certain responses, and dodg- 
ing other situations, other responses. So far in the descrip- 
tion of original nature, there has been nothing which could 
explain this attitude. Why should man spend his life for 
certain things, and pay no attention to others, or avoid them ? 
The instincts already discussed give no explanation ; they show 
man to be equipped by nature to respond in certain ways to 
certain situations when those situations are present ; but in 
themselves, they offer no reason for man's taking any definite 
attitude towards them. Were the account so far given of 
the major instincts a complete one, man would supposedly 
take things in natural sequence, and react on the situation 
in neutral fashion and that would be all. This is not quite 
true ; for in the description of the Social Instinct it has been 
impossible to avoid bringing in this other factor of attitude 
towards the situation. There must be something in the origi- 
nal equipment of man to account for these differences in atti- 

82 



Tendencies Accompanied by Affective States 83 

tude, some situations must, because of structure, be satisfying 
to human nature, and others annoying. 

To describe what is meant by " satisfying " and " annoy- 
ing " is difficult. Pleasure and pain with their usual connota- 
tions are not synonymous terms. Their best description 
seems to be that £ By a satisfying state of affairs is meant 
roughly one which the animal does nothing to avoid, often 
doing such things as attain and preserve it. By an annoying 
state of affairs is meant roughly one which the animal avoids 
or changes." * Original nature, then, not only provides all 
sorts of responses, but provides also that the animal shall 
" feel " in definite ways towards them, shall like some, and 
dislike others. From these feelings of " satisfaction " and 
" dissatisfaction " arise all later desires, wishes, and motives. 
They are the elements of the life of affection, the roots of 
feeling. 

Various theories. — Just when a situation has this satis- 
fying quality, just when a situation is annoying, has occupied 
the attention of psychologists for some time, and as yet there 
is no answer which receives general acceptation. The most 
popular theory, probably, is that espoused by Stout and 
Dewey, and slightly modified by Thorndike. The former 
maintain in somewhat different forms that the accompani- 
ment of any smooth-running, uninterrupted activity is satis- 
fying, and that any thwarting or interruption of an activity 
is annoying. Thorndike says, " when any original behavior- 
series is started and operates successfully, its activities are 
satisfying, and the situations which they produce are satis- 
fying," and vice versa, " when any original behavior-series is 
started, any failure of it to operate successfully is annoying." * 
Besides these " behavior " satisfiers and annoyers, there are 
some constant independent annoyers and satisfiers that need 
to be considered. Physical pain, bitter tastes, bad smells, 
slimy things, depression, solitude, disapproval, and intense 

1 Original Nature of Man, pp. 123, 124. 



84 Psychology of Childhood 

sensory stimuli are almost always annoying, no matter what 
behavior-series is involved. " Sweet, meaty, fruity and nutty 
tastes, glitter, color and motion in objects seen, being rocked, 
swung and carried (in childhood), rhythm in percepts and 
movements, elation, the presence of other human beings, 
their manifestation of satisfaction and their instinctive ap- 
proving behavior " l are independent satisfiers. 

The explanation of just what is the neurone condition which 
permits of this feeling of satisfaction or annoyance is also being 
questioned. One theory is that since instincts are tendencies 
to act involving the presence of a chain of neurones with 
synapses in functional contact, when such a series-with-syn- 
apses-ready-to-act is actually called upon to conduct, the men- 
tal accompaniment of the readiness is satisfaction ; further, 
when such a series-ready-to-act is prevented from conducting, 
the mental accompaniment of the hindrance or checking is 
annoyance ; or, when a series-unready-to-act is forced to con- 
duct, the result is likewise annoyance. Compare by analogy 
the lack of friction when a line of people is prepared to pass 
water-buckets at a fire and is started doing so, and the friction 
occurring when either, being prepared, no buckets come their 
way, or when unprepared, buckets are started down the line. 
Now some neurone connections are always ready, others al- 
ways unready; therefore we have independent, invariable, 
perennial annoyers and satisfiers. It must be borne in mind, 
as was pointed out in a previous chapter, that " readiness " 
depends on inner growth and maturity, as well as upon con- 
ditions of nutrition, disease, fatigue, and familiarity. 

It is true, then, that merely as a matter of structure, cer- 
tain situations are intrinsically satisfying to the human race, 
and others annoying. To have food, to hoard, to beat some 
one else in certamjicjtivities, to fight, to show kindliness, to 
tease, to display one's powers, to win approval, to be £hysi^ 
cally and mentally active^— these responses are to be desired 
1 Original Nature of Man, p. 130. 



Tendencies Accompanied by Affective States 85 

and sought, they are in themselves satisfying emotionally. 
The reverse of them, e.g. having to sit when the tendency to 
physical activity is ready, being told not to ask questions, 
being given no opportunity for mental activity, these situa- 
tions are annoying. To fight when physically tired, or to 
collect when that occupation has continued all day, may be 
annoying owing to the depletion of the nerve centers. Each 
of the instincts as it works itself out produces in the animal 
a feeling of satisfaction. In these instinctive tendencies, 
because of this accompaniment of feeling, is found the origi- 
nal basis for all interests, motives, desires, and wants, — those 
things which control the life, activities, and education of the 
human race. In order to attain and preserve satisfying states 
and to avoid annoying states, man is stimulated to learn. 
Herein is the continual incentive for the learning process. 
All motives and interests are thus seen to have their origin 
in some instinct and to accompany its exercise, except in a 
very few cases where certain sensory stimuli are in themselves 
satisfying. As the instincts at the beginning are crude and 
often brutal, so are the interests. The strength of a given 
interest is the strength of the instinct the operation of which 
produces satisfaction. As the instincts vary in strength, are 
delayed or transitory, so are the interests, and so must motives 
of appeal change. The satisfyingness of mere physical activity 
to the six-year-old is very great, and the annoyance at being de- 
prived of it is proportionately great ; the strength of the hunt- 
ing or gang spirit in boys of ten or eleven makes the operation of 
these tendencies satisfying ; later, when these tendencies have 
lost some of their original strength or have become merged in 
others, the interest in the corresponding situation is much less. 
UTILIZATION OF AFFECTIVE STATES IN EDUCA- 
TION. — All this is of great importance in education, for it 
is by use of these original interests that the learning process 
is started, and it is by grafting the higher, more ideal in- 
terests into these crude ones that man's wants are made 



86 Psychology of Childhood 

better. Gradually to draw a child's interest from personal ap- 
proval to an interest in gaining approval for his group, and 
How are later to the approval of his own conscience ; to de- 
emotwnsa ve } p a child's moral sense, so that instead of being 

guide to c , , . . . 

incentive merely interested in doing what brmgs approval 
giving? fo e w }jj ^ e satisfied by doing what is right; so to 
train him that the social interests outweigh the non-social, — 
this work is the responsibility of the educator, for thus does 
man pass from the animal level into his human inheritance. 
The danger in educational practice here is the same as that 
pointed out in dealing with the instincts ; the tendency is to 
ignore or suppress the fund of energy provided by these origi- 
nal interests, and instead of using these motives to bring out 
responses, to substitute for them artificial or adult motives. 
To ask a kindergarten child to do his work because he will 
need it some day, to appeal to him to be clean and neat be- 
cause society demands it, to encourage him to tell the truth 
because it is right, in each case is to make an appeal that 
means nothing, because of the presence of other instinctive 
interests, and because of the lack of development of those to 
which the appeal is made. But to ask him to do his work so 
that he can use the desired toy, to appeal to him to be clean 
because then one can love him, to encourage him to tell the 
truth because it will pay in terms of pleasure right then, — 
these motives are those that he is working with every day, 
that have a basis in instincts active at the time. No matter 
what the words used in appeal are, the work will be done, the 
child will be clean, and truth will be told, because, and only 
because of instinctive interests^-otners cannot be operative 
because of the child's limitations in development, in expe- 
rience, in knowledge. Why deceive both ourselves and the 
child by using more ideal motives ? These are in place later, 
and if kept till the time when- the interest is alive in the child 
they will have force to bring results. Used too early, they are 
likely to remain empty of true content. The individual is 



Tendencies Accompanied by Affective States 87 

self-deceived, acting in response to motives worded in ideal 
terms, whereas the true motive is a selfish one. The danger 
in such appeals is not in calling on low and crude ones, but 
in constantly working on the same level and so fairing to pro- 
vide for the demands of progress and development. Meet 
the child fearlessly on the level where he is no matter where 
that may be, and then raise him to higher and higher levels 
by substitution and pleasurable results. 

ESTHETIC EMOTIONS. — The original tendencies 
which are built up into the aesthetic emotions are found in 
some situations in themselves satisfying. These , 

• e In w hat do 

roots are probably the satisfymgness of glitter esthetic 
and color, or rhythm in percepts and movements. en }°f wns 

■ 1 . t . originate? 

From these crude beginnings comes the enjoyment 
of nature, of art, of poetry, of dancing, and of music. The 
fact that the mere presence of certain sensory stimuli causes 
in the organism feeling-responses of satisfaction makes pos- 
sible, later, the yielding of one's self to the " perfect moment," 
when the whole being is absorbed by, and identified with, 
beauty. The very nature and meagerness of the original 
equipment leave emotions in the field of the aesthetic ex- 
tremely plastic. The kind of situation embodying the qual- 
ities that call out the satisfaction which is the aesthetic 
emotion will depend chiefly upon the individual's training 
and environment. 

Just what any individual considers beauty or music or art 
is a matter of education ; and there seems to be nothing else 
save the qualities mentioned necessary for aesthetic enjoy- 
ment, save possibly those which insure unity and ease of at- 
tention. The satisfaction aroused in a little child by a chromo 
or by " ragtime " music is just as truly an aesthetic emotion 
as that aroused in an educated adult by a Murillo Madonna, 
or a Beethoven symphony. From the enjoyment of the crude 
and elemental, the child must be raised to enjoyment of the 
artistic and complex. Here, as elsewhere, the beginning 



88 Psychology of Childhood 

must be made on the level where original equipment places 
the child, not at some level far beyond ; for the result of the 
latter method is to kill true aesthetic enjoyment. Strong, 
though good, color should be characteristic of the pictures 
given to children and those that hang on the walls of primary 
schoolrooms. It should be borne in mind that pictures are 
used for other purposes than that of aesthetic enjoyment, and 
therefore this need not hold true of those used for the sake of 
the story or the association. Gradually, from the apprecia- 
tion of these pictures, the children may be brought to enjoy 
delicate harmonies of color, black and white, the qualities of 
fine perspective. The music, the songs, and the poetry should 
have decided, simple rhythm at first, other qualities are of 
secondary importance ; later, emphasis may be placed on 
harmony, on form and assonance. The development must be 
gradual, however, if true aesthetic appreciation of what is 
considered the best is to be cultivated. 

Joy in creation not identical with aesthetic pleasure. — Be 
it remembered that the satisfaction or feeling aroused by crea- 
tion or construction is not at all the same as the aesthetic emo- 
tion. The former is satisfaction with activity, love of being 
a cause, it is dynamic, and comes from the production of re- 
sults ; the latter is contemplative, and more or less passive. 
That the two emotions are related, and that one may be the 
condition of the arousal of the other, there can be no question. 
The production by an individual of a beautiful object is often 
followed by a contemplation of the beauty which is aesthetic ; 
and the satisfaction in terms of aesthetic appreciation of 
something beautiful may stimulate the constructive interest. 
However, the two attitudes are absolutely different, and the 
training and development of one need not involve the train- 
ing or development of the other.. One may readily enjoy 
sensory appeals and be trained to appreciation of the beautiful 
in sound, color, line, or proportion without developing any 
ability to create in these lines, perhaps with only partial sue- 



Tendencies Accompanied by Affective States 89 

cess in imitating others' work without offending good taste. 
Most people can have this passive enjoyment educated, fewer 
can reproduce acceptably without rigid training in technique, 
and fewest of all among us so create that the rest can contem- 
plate our productions with real aesthetic pleasure. 

Training aesthetic pleasure. — The methods of training 
appreciation are not well developed ; little is done in the 
schools to direct the aesthetic emotion in the face of the fact 
that few, very few, of the thousands of children who leave 
every year can be producers to any extent, whereas all can 
enjoy, if the power has been developed. The great works of 
art, literature, music, and nature are ever present, offering 
the greatest of all opportunities for aesthetic appreciation. 
However, certain developments in the schools are evidence of 
the recognition of the power and the value of the aesthetic 
emotions. The separation of literature from the structural 
study of English in the high school ; the introduction of the 
victrola, or other planning for the children to hear good instru- 
mental and vocal music and compositions ; excursions to art 
museums, not for criticism, but enjoyment; the excursions 
into the woods or down to the river, not for nature study, but 
to develop emotional response ; allowing children to read for 
the sheer pleasure of it rather than for the purpose of repro- 
ducing the story, telling the plot, or discussing the style ; 
placing copies of famous statues and pictures in our school 
corridors and rooms ; — all these are endeavors to develop 
that form of satisfaction which we call aesthetic, whose roots 
are in the original nature of man. 

PRIMITIVE EMOTIONS. — Closely allied to the other 
type of satisriers, that is, the action of any behavior-series 
which is ready, are the primitive emotions. These Arg 
emotions are also part of the life of feeling, part of emotions 
the original equipment of man. There is a dif- Ins mc we 
ference of opinion as to their relation to the instincts. Pills- 
bury accepts the statement that " emotion is the conscious 



90 Psychology of Childhood 

side of instinct." McDougall accepts the same point of view 
so far as his seven primary instincts are concerned. He says, 
" Each of the principal instincts conditions, then, some one 
kind of emotional excitement whose quality is specific or 
peculiar to it." : Thus each of the primary instincts on its 
affective side is linked to one definite emotion, e.g. the instinct 
of flight to the emotion of fear, the instinct of pugnacity to 
the emotion of anger, the parental instinct to the tender emo- 
tion. That instinct and the coarser emotions are closely 
connected, both having their roots in original nature, there 
can be no doubt ; but that there is a one-to-one correspondence 
between instinct and emotion seems very unlikely. Accord- 
ing to this theory, fighting should always be accompanied by 
anger, and this is surely not true. A small boy may be fight- 
ing another, and during the process, experience several emo- 
tions, anger, fear, exhilaration, joy of victory, and self-con- 
scious display. It is also true that the mental state called 
anger has responses of its own, which are not the fighting 
responses. Just what the situations are which originally 
call out the various emotions in man is not known. In his 
study of anger, Hall finds as instinctive causes of that emotion 
" some thirty physical features, a score of peculiar acts, an 
equal number of features of dress, a multitude of habits, limi- 
tation of the subject's freedom, the thwarting of his expecta- 
tion or purpose, contradiction, invasion or repression of his 
self, injuries to pride, injustice, causes of jealousy, and many 
special circumstances." 2 In Gesell's study of jealousy 3 almost 
as many situations are given as the original causes of that 
emotion. Other students believe it to be a much simpler 
state of affairs. In the various theories and studies of laugh- 
ter the same complexity and lack of agreement are found. 
When the opposite end of the behavior-series is studied, and 

1 McDougall, Social Psychology, p. 47. 

2 A. J. P., Vol. 10, quoted by Thorndike, op. cil., p. 76. 
» A. J. P., Vol. 17, pp. 437-496. 



Tendencies Accompanied by Affective States 91 

the question is asked, " Just what are the responses that are 
originally connected with an anger-provoking or a laughter- 
provoking situation? " the answer is just as indefinite. The 
same thing is true when one inquires into the kind of mental 
state that is aroused. The very fact that the emotions in 
themselves are " subjective " means that they elude analysis 
and description. Every one knows what an emotion is, since 
because of general nature every one experiences them ; but 
the cause, the bodily response, and even the states themselves 
await further study before any definite knowledge concerning 
them can be arrived at. 

General methods of control. — We do know that the child 
by original nature is equipped in such a way that unlearned 
responses to situations occur, the accompaniments How may 
of which are the emotions. All human beings feel emotion be 
anger, fear, jealousy, sympathy, joy, disgust, and 
so on, as a matter of inherited connections. The younger the 
individual, the less experience has affected the individual, 
the more violent and unchecked will the emotion be. Chil- 
dren's emotions are intense, but they also tend to be more 
short-lived than the adult's. They need to be controlled 
but not eliminated ; they are a precious asset for motivation, 
for calling out energy, and as such should be preserved and 
cultivated. The need is to raise them to intellectual and 
spiritual levels from the physical and material levels at which 
they first appear. The desired ends are to develop, for in- 
stance, jealousy, so that the child becomes jealous for others 
as well as for himself ; joy, so that he is as happy over the 
successes of others as over his own ; sympathy and kindliness, 
so that they are aroused by spiritual and intellectual dis- 
asters as well as by physical, and by hurt to strangers as well 
as to friends. 

The laws of learning — exercise and effect — are instru- 
mental in bringing about these changes. Control of emotion 
is brought about by the same means ; but the value of analysis 



92 Psychology of Childhood 

or the interposition of intellectual states in some way, and of 
the control of the expressive movements which accompany 
the emotion should be kept in mind. Thus we may, by the 
law of effect, learn not to give way to anger by finding that 
nothing is gained thereby, and a good deal lost. This is a 
slow process of gaining control, and it may be a very long 
time before a child discovers for himself, however careful 
the parents are that that is really true, that he does gain 
nothing by his fit of temper. Anger may be controlled by re- 
directing the fermenting spirits so that the energy is worked 
off in some rather violent exercise. Punching a bag, pitching 
a ball, chopping wood, " walking it off " are familiar safety 
valves. Or anger may be held in check by the observation 
of others who are angry, comparing signs of disturbance in 
them and in one's self ; the contemplative attitude replaces 
the other, even a feeling of amusement may ensue. Again, 
analysis of the causes for anger with thoughtful attempt to 
remedy the conditions that have aroused it will surely disperse 
it. A quick diversion by a laughter-provoking joke will re- 
lieve the condition as well as the proverbial " soft answer." 
Among the physical expressions, those most readily amenable 
to control are the quickened breath winch may be regulated 
and the tense muscles which may be forcibly held relaxed 
(just as in conquering nervousness or an impulse to give way 
to crying it is important to control the breath and the pitch 
of the voice, and to stiffen the muscles). With young children, 
these various distractions must be supplied from the outside. 
The law of effect was used by the father of a four-year-old 
who used to throw himself about and kick with rage, when he 
lifted the child to a rather narrow chimney piece. In antici- 
pation of a fall the child stopped his contortions, although 
he had previously declared he couldn't. After a few such 
treatments the boy learned to inhibit those manifestations. 
To relieve the blood pressure and muscle tension a physician 
may indorse a counter irritant in the form of flicking the calves. 



Tendencies Accompanied by Affective States 93 

Being made to run up and down, being sent to bathe face and 
hands in cold water, even being plunged into cool water, drink- 
ing cold water will help some children of from three to six 
years of age. To be told a story, to hear singing, laughing, 
and other forms of mental distraction will help others. With 
older children their conscious cooperation in control must be 
sought, and the responsibility gradually shifted to them 
entirely. 

Study of fear. Stimuli and responses. — Fear is one of 
the emotions which has been most carefully studied, and al- 
though there is still disagreement as to the original whatsitua- 
causes and responses, and the characteristics of the hons and 
mental state called fear, still knowledge here is constitute 
more definite than in regard to any other emotion. f ear? 
Hall's article on Fear, in the Pedagogical Seminary for 1897, 
is the result of one of the first serious attempts to investigate 
mental states by means of the questionnaire, and therefore 
is of historical as well as intrinsic value. Thorndike, after 
carefully sifting the opinions of various psychologists, thinks 
that fear is aroused by stimuli such as thunderstorms, reptiles, 
large animals approaching, certain vermin, darkness, strange 
persons of unfriendly mien, solitude, and probably loud or 
sudden noises with certain peculiar qualities. Of course, 
when two or more of these situations work together, e.g. 
darkness and solitude, the fear is intensified ; when some 
original satisfier is operating simultaneously with any one of 
them, the fear will be diminished, e.g. candy and solitude, 
or the presence of other human beings when a strange person 
of unfriendly mien approaches. Of the responses to these 
situations, thirty-one of the more easily observable are listed 
by Thorndike. 1 Many of these are antagonistic, such as 
running away or remaining stock-still, therefore the responses 
to fear-inspiring situations differ tremendously. It is prob- 
able, however, that to the same situation the same individual 

1 Original Nature of Man, p. 59. 



94 Psychology of Childhood 

will respond in the same way, but as the situation and the 
mental states are so different, of course the responses must 
vary ; witness the fear aroused by a thunderstorm and that 
aroused by a large animal approaching. 

Delayed and transitory forms. — Fear, as an original tend- 
ency, is subject to the laws of transitoriness and delay. 
Some psychologists believe that the different types of fear 
mature at a definite time in the child's development, and 
then pass. For instance, Kirkpatrick believes that fear of 
the dark is most intense at three or four years of age, and 
gradually becomes less, whereas James illustrates the sudden 
fear of reptiles which appeared in a boy of about two. Be- 
cause of the possibility of delay in the appearance of certain 
forms of fear, the method of forming a contrary habit before 
the instinct appears can be used very successfully. If a child 
from early infancy is accustomed to play with animals, if he 
is always put to bed in the dark alone, if he is interested in 
the thunderstorms, then particular forms of the fear instinct 
will be very much modified in their intensity, and may not 
appear at all. 

Control of fear. — When the fear does show itself, there are 
three important methods of dealing with it, — the force of 
example is tremendous in inhibiting fear tendencies ; second, 
the possibility of associating with the fear-inspiring situation 
some original satisfiers offers a means of lessening the fear re- 
sponses ; third, appealing to the child's reason and knowledge 
may be used as an additional method of depriving the situa- 
tion of its fear-inspiring elements. The value of the method 
will depend largely on the age and experience of the child ; 
the first is effective always, but the last only with children to 
whom facts, as such, have some significance. 

Fear in its crude form should certainly be a waning emotion, 
but fear in its modified form is necessary for the maintenance 
of society. Fear early becomes associated with physical 
pain, and becomes one of the most common weapons wielded 



Tendencies Accompanied by Affective States 95 

by the adult in the control of the child. That fear of punish- 
ment, physical pain, has its place in the rearing of the child 
seems undeniable, for in the early days it is the only appeal 
that he can understand. It is equally true, however, that as 
the other instincts and capacities develop, this means of con- 
trol should be gradually changed. Fear of disapproval, of the 
denial of companions, of deprivation of means of satisfying 
physical or mental activity, of being surpassed, of being the 
object of scorn of the group, each of these fears has its place 
until finally fear of losing one's friends, of falling short of one's 
ideals, of violating one's conscience, become some of the most 
powerful motives in the control of conduct. 

With respect to the other primitive emotions, little can be 
said. The same general methods of control are effective as 
in those discussed. Some of them have already been spoken 
of in connection with the instincts with which they are often 
associated. Others will be considered in the next section. 
This confusion, lack of definiteness and difference of opinion, 
is a necessary concomitant of the present lack of knowledge 
and prevalence of theory and anecdote in the field of the feel- 
ings and the emotions. Because the psychology of the emo- 
tions is so little known, the lack of training, of development, 
and of refinement shows in this field — both in the aesthetic, 
and in the crude emotions — much more than in the field of 
the intellect. Lack of economy and lack of insight charac- 
terize our dealings with feelings, whether the original satis- 
fiers and annoyers, or the more complex and violent emotions. 
Knowledge, much more definite and detailed, is needed before 
much progress can be made in this field. 

Exercises 

1. Write out a list of motives that may be used as incentives 
or deterrents with children under eight ; with twelve-year-olds. 

2. Illustrate each of the three methods mentioned of dealing 
with the fear instinct. 



96 Psychology of Childhood 

3. As in the discussion of treating anger, show how (1) the 
laws of learning, (2) the interposition of mental states, (3) the 
control of expressive movements may train the emotion of active 
kindliness, or of an appreciation of humor. 

4. Observe a child experiencing an intense emotion. Notice 
the duration of the emotion and the type that succeeds. How 
do these compare with similar phenomena in an adult ? 

Questions for Discussion 

1 . How may training for technique in an art assist appreciation ? 
How may it choke it ? 

2. By reminiscence, instance causes of childhood unhappiness. 
What suggestions do they offer as to dealing with children ? 

References for Reading 

Strayer and Norsworthy, How to Teach, ch. 8. 
Thorndike, Original Nature of Man, pp. 57-80. 
MacCunn, The Making of Character, pp. 212-222. 
Oppenheim, Mental Growth and Control, ch. 10. 



CHAPTER VI 

ATTENTION 

ORIGINAL ROOTS OF ATTENTION. — The roots of 
the conduct and feelings of man have been found in his original 
equipment in terms of neurone connections and , 

11 • • i • i • i c • - • Is man 

neurone behavior-series which in definite situations attentive by 
are ready to act. To make possible man's intel- ori sr inal 
lectual ability the same facts must be true in higher 
centers. Not only are there neurone connections in terms of 
the reflex arcs that make possible the reaching, hoarding, fight- 
ing, approving behavior of man, but there are also synapses 
between the sensory neurones and ganglia in the nerve centers 
whose action gives rise to sensations of all kinds. Still further, 
man by original nature has secondary connections between 
sensory and associative neurones, and between associative and 
associative neurones, which make possible all the further men- 
tal states of perception, imagination, memory, and judgment. 
These connections are ready to act just as truly as those 
leading to the instinctive responses. These secondary con- 
nections result in the so-called tendency to " general men- 
tal activity," or the power of " mental control." 

Because these tendencies are the result of neurone connec- 
tions ready to act, their activities not only bring about results 
that are satisfying, but the activity itself is one of the original 
satisfiers. To experience sensations and have things happen 
in consciousness is, in and of itself, satisfying to man ; to see 
and hear and feel things happening in the physical world 
brings satisfaction, but to be the cause of such happenings is 
still keener joy. This " power of control," of " being a cause," 

H 97 



98 Psychology of Childhood 

carries over into the purely mental field because of the ex- 
tended series of secondary connections which exist. " Not 
only making movements and thereby getting sensations, but 
also making an ideal plan and thereby getting a conclusion, 
making an imaginary person and thereby getting further im- 
aginations of how he would act, and countless other ' gettings 
from doings,' are satisfying." 1 Experience and training de- 
termine just what the sequence will be, whether it will be the 
vain imaginings of the idler, or plans that will result in the 
building of the Panama Canal ; whether frivolous gossip con- 
cerning clothes and one's next-door neighbor or ideals and 
judgments which make for power and efficiency. Nature pro- 
vides only that the action of secondary connections is gratifying 
to man ; man by his education and environment determines 
which of those connections shall be established as habits. 

Significance of attentiveness. — To this original equipment 
of secondary connections is due man's intellectual and moral 
superiority. It is because consciousness, or mental life is felt 
as worth while for its own sake that man has gone so far in 
the field of intellectual attainment. So far as present opinion 
goes, it is in the possession of this instinct of general mental 
activity that man so far surpasses the lower animals. Con- 
sciousness in them merely plays the part of adapting physical 
responses to physical situations, and is worth while, satisfy- 
ing to them as soon as it performs that function ; whereas in 
man it not only connects mental states which serve as situa- 
tions with mental states which are responses, but that process 
in and of itself, apart from the results, is satisfying. Just 
what the secondary neurone connections are which accompany 
the various types of mental states is not definitely known ; 
but the mental states themselves and the changes which take 
place in them can be studied. 

Arousal of instinctive attention. — Attention is the funda- 
mental tendency which leads to other mental states. As a 
1 Thorndike, Original Nature of Alan, p. 142. 



Attention 99 

matter of original nature, man has the tendency to prolong 
certain situations, and of disposing himself to be more effec- 
tively impressed by them. The situations to which whatquaii- 
he thus responds are those originally interesting, and tie . sir \. ., 

1 11 . ,, , , -met stimuli Will 

his attitude toward them is that of attention. The arouse 
situations to which, because of original equipment, atte ntion? 
he gives this interest and attention seem to be intense 
stimuli, such as strong blasts of wind, sharp pains, sudden 
stimuli which make sharp changes, such as loud noises coming 
in the midst of quiet, strange or unusual stimuli, rhythmic or 
cadenced rather than monotonous stimuli, moving objects, 
recurrent even if faint sense perceptions, stimuli that act as 
signals of organic needs and " situations to which he has 
further tendencies to respond as by flight, repulsion, play and 
the like." The tendencies of visual exploration, vocalization, 
and manipulation alone offer an almost infinite variety of 
situations. The bonds of attention, though many, are def- 
inite, and along the lines of the instincts and capacities. 
Omnivorous, general attention is not a gift of nature. The 
situations which later attract and hold the attention differ 
with the age and sex of the child, and it is these changes and 
differences that it is important for the educator to under- 
stand. 1 

DIFFERENCE BETWEEN ADULTS' AND CHILDREN'S 
ATTENTION. In span or range. — The attention of a little 
child of school age, dependent as it is on this pri- compare 
mary form of attention, has certain characteristics. a duitswith 
Grifhng 2 maintains, from the results of his experi- range of 
ments, that the span of attention is " a function atte " ti °n. 
of individual growth, reaching its maximum only when the 
observer is fully developed." This would mean that the at- 

1 As a knowledge of adult psychology is presupposed, the point of view of 
this section will be to emphasize the differences which exist between children 
and adults in the various mental states discussed. 

2 Grifhng, On the development of visual perception and attention, Am. 
Jour. Psych., Vol. 7. 



ioo Psychology of Childhood 

tention-span of a little child is smaller than that of an adult 
and that it increases with age. Although Whipple questions 
Grifhng's method, there seems every reason to believe that 
his general conclusion is true : that whereas in one flash of 
visual attention the adult can apprehend four to five unre- 
lated objects, the child cannot apprehend so many. Of 
course, this power comes both as a matter of growth and 
training, though the small effect of practice in the function 
seems to point to inner growth as the chief factor in bringing 
about the change. This narrowness of the attention-span may 
account for some of the difficulty that young children have 
in reading long words. 

Difference in complexity of object. — The difference in 
range of attention between children and adults is more a mat- 
ter first of difference in the complexity of the object of thought, 
and second in the lack of mechanical habits. The psycholog- 
ical law is that only one object of thought, one " conceptual 
system " can be in the focus of attention at any one instant 
of time. This is true for all ages, but for the adult the " ob- 
ject " may be a whole system ; and the many relationships 
involved, the conditions which must obtain, the most impor- 
tant associations, — all these may be in the margin and color 
the focal point, whereas with a child, few of such connections 
can be held. With him, it is one fact, one object, one con- 
dition, rather bare and unadorned. Any one accustomed to 
deal with children knows how difficult it is for them to carry 
in mind more than one point at a time. Ask them in nature 
study to notice color and form, and attention is given to either 
one or the other, not to both ; in geography, if they are asked 
to determine the occupations of people in a certain section 
by a consideration of the climatic conditions, and of the land 
forms, they are very likely to work through with just one con- 
dition in mind, unable to grasp the complex situation. Be- 
cause of this inability to attend to a complex thought as a whole, 
the younger the child the stronger binds the maxim, — " Teach 



Attention 101 

one thing at a time." The first requisite in developing power 
in attending to a system of thought as a whole is that the 
teacher shall know, first, the child's limitations, and second, 
just how complex is the situation. If she knows that the thing 
to which she is calling attention involves just so many relation- 
ships, she will not be nearly so likely to ask the impossible of 
the child, and in consequence to bring about confusion and 
disorder. The process must be a very gradual one ; at first, 
each thing is learned almost alone and thoroughly before it 
is brought into a complex situation as an element; later, as 
power increases, the number of elements or relationships may 
be increased. 

Difference in mechanical habits present. — The second rea- 
son for narrowness of range in the child is a lack of mechan- 
ical habits. An adult can use eyes, hands, and feet in running 
his machine, smoke, listen to a conversation and criticize it 
mentally all at the same time. Another can read the music 
and words of a song, get the meaning, use voice with artistic 
effect, use hands and feet in the piano accompaniment and still 
attend to the way the audience is listening. The adult does 
many things at the same time, and therefore apparently has 
a wider range of attention because several of them are mechan- 
ical habits, such as need no special attention except to start 
them or to overcome an obstacle of some kind. But with the 
little child the things we adults do so easily are matters of 
serious attention and effort, and very seldom can more than 
one thing be done at a time. If in reading he pays attention 
to the pronunciation of the words, or the holding of his book, 
or the inflection and accent, he loses the meaning ; and if the 
meaning is in the focus of attention, the others suffer. If in 
composition work attention is given to " good writing," the 
content suffers. If in arithmetic the numerical combinations 
have to be thought about, or the form in which the work is 
put on paper, the problem involved may be entirely lost sight 
of. If the child is talking of something he saw or heard, the 



102 Psychology of Childhood 

hands which should have been busy sewing, or chopping 
wood, or washing dishes, or buttoning boots are idle. At- 
tention can be given only to one thing at a time ; any number 
of mechanical operations may be carried on at the same time, 
but only one that requires thought. Progress is made, then, 
as operations are made mechanical ; and the faster this occurs 
the better for the fundamental operations in all lines of work. 
Here again it behooves the teacher to analyze the situation, 
to know just what she is requiring of the child, and then to 
remember that nothing becomes mechanical without much 
attention, drill, and practice, even at the cost of possible 
monotony. Because the adult has for so many years done 
so many things mechanically, he has forgotten that once he 
had to learn to do those very things, and that learning took, 
for the time, his full attention. 

In intensity. — In intensity, or concentration of attention, 
children and adults differ. The child on the average does 
Compare not get so deep into his subject as the adult does. 
adults with 'phg waves f attention seem to be less perpendicu- 

children in , . . . .. , , . . , , , 

intensity of lar in the child than in the adult, the crest not 
attention. rising so high, nor the depression sinking so far. 
He is more likely to be distracted by disturbances of any kind. 
No matter how deeply absorbed or interested he may ap- 
parently be in play or work, he still is " all ears and all eyes " 
as compared with the adult. A word spoken, a sound in the 
street, a movement made, and his attention flashes to the 
distraction. Of course, this is not always true ; he can be- 
come absorbed, deeply absorbed in his play, but that is not 
the usual state of affairs as hour after hour he occupies himself 
with all sorts of things ; nor can such absorption be compared 
in depth to that of the adult engaged in some interesting occu- 
pation, lost to the world, forgetting his meals, engagements, 
to whom " the house could burn down, he would not know it " 
might apply. Children unquestionably lack the power of 
concentrated attention which characterizes the average adult. 



Attention 103 

In duration. — Closely allied to this lack of concentration 
is the shortness of duration of an act of attention. Even when 
no distraction occurs, a child very soon tires of „ 

TT . Compare 

one occupation, or one line of interest. His atten- them in 
tion wanders, flitting from one thing to another, duration of 
dwelling on each for but a moment. The chief 
cause for both the lack of concentration and the shortness of 
the period of attention is the poverty of mental content. 
Since attention cannot be held on the same object for more 
than a few seconds, the object must change or the line of 
thought develop, if either is to hold the attention. Because 
of his want of experience and knowledge, the child has few 
associations in connection with any one situation, he sees but 
few possibilities, and consequently he soon exhausts the 
situation, whether it be mental or physical. He cannot be- 
come very much absorbed in it even under the best condi- 
tions, for it has no depth ; nor can he continue to attend to it 
for very long because he comes to the end of his material. If 
there are other factors which serve as interferences, and there 
often are, — e.g. fatigue, need to inhibit other impulses, 
physical discomfort, — the lack of concentration and the wan- 
dering of the attention are both increased. 

Change with maturity. — The younger the child the more 
closely he conforms to the above description. Power comes 
with age because of the added possibilities each situation pos- 
sesses, just as a matter of mere experience; but increase of 
power is hastened if associations, facts, relations are definitely 
made in lines where attention is desired. The more knowl- 
edge an individual has in any line, other things being equal, 
the greater is the probability both of the depth of his atten- 
tion and the length of the period of attention. This is clearly 
seen in watching children study. Left to themselves they 
read over the lesson, once, twice, or more times, and that is 
the end of it ; they have come to the end of their resources, 
there is nothing left in the material so far as they can see, and 



104 Psychology of Childhood 

their attention wanders. The value of various suggestions 
and questions in connection with their study is evident, if 
merely as a means of holding attention to the material for a 
longer period of time. Another practical application of these 
facts is its bearing on the length of school periods. The 
younger the child the shorter the period ; the less in any 
given subject you can call on the child's experience the 
shorter the period. The length of period, therefore, must 
vary not only with the age of the child, from a fifteen-minute 
period in the kindergarten to a forty or forty-five-minute 
period in the high school, but also with the character and 
newness of the subject. 

Change with practice. — Not only will experience and 
knowledge of a subject increase the power of concentration 
and the length of the attention period, but practice in at- 
tending also plays a large part. The child who has never 
been required to attend for more than fifteen or twenty min- 
utes consecutively, despite the presence of all the necessary 
conditions, finds it very difficult to do so. Adults in general 
have so fixed their habits of attention through mere usage 
that one hour, two hours and a half, or some other length of 
time is their " working period," at the end of which they be- 
come restless, their attention wanders, and their time of good 
work is over. Habit is a large factor here as elsewhere ; and 
if power is desired, if rapid progress is economical, then a habit 
of protracted attention-giving must be formed by the appli- 
cation of the laws of learning, exercise, and effect. 

In breadth of field. — Children and adults also differ in 
the breadth of the field, the number of lines along which at- 
Compare tention is freely given. The child's attention is 
adults with more omnivorous than that of the adult. He seems 

childrenin . 

breadth of to attend to anything that is novel until the novelty 
attention. wears off, and as he is a newcomer lacking expe- 
rience, everything is new to him. He is in the grip of his 
instinctive tendencies, and each one opens up a field of atten- 



Attention 105 

tion. This is a natural correlative of the two characteristics 
first discussed ; with lack of concentration and the short at- 
tention periods, of necessity the field over which attention 
wanders must be broad. For the adult with his broader ex- 
perience, most of the everyday things have lost their novelty, 
and his power of concentration, due as it is to knowledge and 
habits, serves to lessen the number of things to which it is 
necessary to attend. Adults are bound by their habits ; they 
have lost the characteristic which in childhood is so charming, 
that of being interested in everything. True, they accom- 
plish more, delve deeper because of this power, but they have 
also narrowed their field of attention. Every habit, every 
interest, while it is an aid in the field to which it applies, is 
also a limitation. This condition of affairs is very evident if 
one starts to interest a primary school class in something 
adapted to their experience and understanding, and then 
tries to do the same thing with a class of adults. This breadth 
of interest and attention on the part of the child is of the ut- 
most value and significance, educationally. Because of it, 
the actual interests and habits which are fixed, which are 
selected from the mass and made permanent, becoming the 
foundations of character and conduct and giving the bias to 
life, — these are determined by the environment and train- 
ing. All nature does is to provide the fund of tendencies 
toward attention in all sorts of lines ; education must do the 
rest. The effect of the narrowing of interests and attention 
due to this very habit-formation must be borne in mind ; be- 
cause of it, the teacher must see to it that Herbart's " many- 
sided interest " becomes a fact in the life of each child. Broad 
and manifold interests fixed in childhood are the cure for 
narrowness and bigotry in adult life. 

In type of attention. — The attention of the child is pri- 
marily of the sensory type ; that of the adult is more largely 
intellectual. The fact that the numerous instincts, concerned 
as they are with sense impressions and movements, serve in 



106 Psychology of Childhood 

childhood as the chief stimulants of attention, accounts for 
this state of affairs. The root of intellectual attention is, of 
Compare course, in the satisfyingness of the secondary con- 
certo with nections ; but even here the source of these con- 
C the kindoi nections is for many years a sensory one. 
thing at- Observe a child and an adult out for a walk. The 
ten e to. cn ii(j j s a }ive to seemingly every sense stimulus ; 
seeing, hearing, the feeling of different movements, smelling, 
tasting (if allowed), handling, — while the adult is conscious of 
something in his surroundings, but much more absorbed in 
the connections, images, associations, and memories which each 
sense impression calls up. The practical outcome of this 
difference is evident. The starting point for habits of atten- 
tion is in the sensory field. Ideas as concepts and abstrac- 
tions become capable of holding the attention only as they 
are the outgrowth of experience in perceptual form ; and this 
development is a very gradual process. 

In ability to give voluntary attention. — Perhaps the most 
vital difference in attention as the individual passes from 
Compare childhood to adulthood is the increased power to 
them in stand the strain of effort in connection with the act 

power to . 

give forced of attention. Some acts of attention are spon- 
attention. taneous. The object of attention appeals to the 
individual's consciousness, either for its own sake or because 
of some value attaching to it, in such a way that it satisfies 
him. There is, as Dewey puts it, an identification between 
the individual and his object of thought, because it satisfies 
some need. On the other hand, there is the type of attention 
which is forced. The object does not identify itself with some 
felt need, but because of duty, or social pressure, or ideals, 
the individual feels he must attend, despite the effort involved. 
There is division, not unity, in the conscious state. A child 
lacks power to give forced attention, to stand the strain of 
effort involved and to attend in spite of it. Probably this 
lack of power is due both to physiological reasons and lack of 



Attention 107 

practice. The natural, childlike form of attention is the 
spontaneous ; forced attention comes, if at all, with age and 
training. 

Value of forced attention. — The respective values of 
spontaneous and forced attention is a question still open to 
discussion. The very characters of the two types should we 
of attention make it true that only when attention t [ ain chil : 

,-, dren to give 

is spontaneous can it be concentrated and sus- forced 
tained. So long as it is forced, part of the energy atten ^on? 
is used in keeping one's self at the task ; and this added fact, 
that this effort is so taxing that forced attention can be held 
for only a few seconds at a time, makes it impossible to do 
work of vital worth when this type of attention is employed. 
The work that counts in the world, the work that discovers 
new principles, makes new applications, touches the hearts 
or wills or consciences of men and women is always done by 
spontaneous attention. As has already been pointed out, 
however, the spontaneous attention natural to childhood is 
closely connected with his instincts ; and since these are self- 
ish and crude they do not fit an individual to live in the civi- 
lized life of to-day. In order to raise spontaneous attention 
from the sensory, individual, often selfish, level to the level 
of the intellectual, the social, and the ideal, forced attention 
is a necessary means to an end. The natural man does not 
look forward to remote ends, nor does he deny himself now 
that he may reap greater benefits later; nor does he suffer 
individual privation in order that the group may profit — ■ 
that comes only by training and involves forced attention. 
This type of attention is necessary, then, in the present scheme 
of human life for development, but it is only necessary as a 
means to an end. The end must always be spontaneous 
attention ; instead of spontaneous attention on the level of 
the instincts, spontaneous attention on the level of the great- 
est and best ideals. This is the aim the teacher should have 
in mind in developing the powers of attention in children. 



io8 Psychology of Childhood 

Effort and interest. — One of the greatest mistakes educa- 
tion has made has been to lose sight of the relation to each 
other of these two types of attention. The old education 
believed in the value of effort for its own sake ; whatever was 
hard was therefore considered good. From the very char- 
acter of the type, though, this cannot be true for itself alone ; 
forced attention accomplishes no result, it but opens the door 
to possibilities which spontaneous attention left to itself 
could ignore. On the other hand, the soft pedagogy of to-day 
gives a fictitious value to that only which is pleasurable, and 
counts effort, therefore, as harmful and valueless. The truth 
lies between the two, and the recognition of forced attention 
as a means to an end, as a stepping stone from the level of the 
instinctively interesting to the level of the ideally interesting, 
from the level of impulse to the level of judgment, from the 
level of individual interest to that of social well-being, *— this 
thought is one of the most important contributions of child 
psychology to modern education. Because of the recognition 
of the peculiar value of forced attention, the need for motiva- 
tion is being felt very strongly. For the child to desire an 
end that is valuable to him, and then to realize that the path 
to it involves the effort of forced attention, is to give the true 
value to the means, and also to train the child in the power of 
standing the strain when the end makes it worth while. This 
sort of training prepares him for life situations, gives him 
perspective, helps him to judge values. The child who, 
keenly desiring to build a boat that will float, feels his need 
of the knowledge of certain measurements, and, despite the 
effort needed, sets about learning them ; the child who, de- 
sirous of making her mother a Christmas present, finds it 
does not look pretty because her stitches are too large, and so 
practices making small stitches although it is an effort to do 
so ; children who find that it pays not to spend every penny 
as it comes because later they can buy something they really 
want, although the waiting and denying themselves are un- 



Attention 109 

pleasant, children such as these are learning the true value of 
forced attention, and are forming habits which make for 
strong characters. 

Incentives and attention. — Spontaneous attention to 
things that are most worth while may be gained by other 
means sometimes, as well as by forced attention. jj owdo 
Although the multiplication table in itself may not derived in- 
attract spontaneous attention, still, if ability with jJJSJj J,g 
it serves as a means of display the business of learn- power to pay 
ing it may arouse that type of attention. Read- attentlon? 
ing itself may seem a distasteful task, but if one can beat one's 
neighbor it may be intensely interesting. Obeying one's 
mother may involve great effort, but if she be the queen of 
the land and I her devoted slave, all commands or requests 
are eagerly looked for. Activities of all kinds derive value 
if they are closely associated with or involve the activity of 
one of the original satisfiers. As James points out, the in- 
terest involved then spreads over and imparts its impetus 
and character to the material with which it is associated. 
Derived interests of this kind involve spontaneous attention. 
Sometimes the incentive may later be dropped, and the in- 
terest thus started continue. More often, incentives of some 
kind are needed all through life. There are multitudes of 
things to which the adult gives spontaneous attention, not 
because they are of value in themselves but because of some 
value attached to them. This must necessarily be true be- 
cause of the make-up of human nature. The suggestions 
here would be, in so far as incentives are necessary : (1) choose 
those natural to the child's stage of development, work with 
nature, always making use of what is there ; (2) choose those 
most natural to the subject to which the attention is desired ; 

(3) choose those that will appeal to the greatest number ; 

(4) choose those that are permanent, i.e. will be found in life- 
situations, as well as school-situations ; (5) choose the highest 
that will work. 



no Psychology of Childhood 

Curiosity and attention are bound up together, and the 
facts usually referred to by the term " curiosity " probably 
are the tendencies of vocalization, visual exploration, and 
general mental activity. There is probably no separate and 
distinct instinct of curiosity. These other tendencies have 
already been discussed, and all that need be said here is to 
emphasize once more that children do not have to be cajoled 
into thinking; mental activity is its own reward. The 
cajolery and the incentives are necessary when the nature of 
the child and the requirements of society come into conflict 
and the conflict is more often an imagined than a real one. If 
teachers would only make use of the rich fund of instinctive 
interests that are actually present, instead of substituting for 
them formal and artificial requirements and incentives, child 
nature would be preserved and education proceed apace. 
Gesell sums up the matter when he says, " It is time to have a 
reckoning, to realize before it is too late the futility of pushing 
nature. There are certain basic instincts implanted in child- 
hood which wedge their way through obstacles to the accom- 
plishment of their purpose. The little child comes running to 
school pushed by curiosity, energized by feeling, tingling with 
response to sensation and reveling in images of past experi- 
ences, but the teacher discards these sharp-edged tools which 
make early workmanship easy, and substitutes dull drills." 1 

TRAINING OF ATTENTION. — To develop from the 
instinctive tendencies to attention habits of sustained, con- 
centrated, and spontaneous attention to the tilings in life that 
satisfy best the wants of the individual and the race ; to culti- 
vate the power to stand the strain of effort to situations where 
the end is worth while and this is the best means of attaining 
it ; to make use of the instinctive interests in gaining derived 
values for things of fundamental importance in themselves 
but for the time being of no value to the individual ; — these 
objective ends make up the latter-day problem in education. 

1 The Normal Child and Primary Education, p. 30S. 



Attention in 

Questions for Discussion 

i. What does a teacher mean when she says, " You must learn 
to pay attention"? 

2. Why do such things as napping window shades, the starting 
up of the street-organ, a person turning to use the blackboard, a 
different pitch of voice attract children's attention? 

3. What means would you take to help children " learn" to 
attend ? 

4. What is the value of having children assume attitudes of 
attention in the classroom? 

5. Illustrate the psychological and the practical difference 
between gaining attention and sustaining it ? 

References for Reading 

Bagley, The Educative Process, ch. 6. 

Dewey, Interest and Effort in Education. 

W. P. Pillsbury, Attention. 

Any standard psychology, chapter on attention. 



CHAPTER VII 

SENSE PERCEPTION 

ORIGINAL ROOTS OF PERCEPTION. — The human 
being is equipped by original nature with certain tendencies 
in terms of connections between sense organs and certain 
brain centers whose action results in the mental state of sense 
perception. The structure of these sense organs, together 
with the delicacy of the connections between them and the 
brain, determines to what situation the individual will be 
sensitive, and what sensations will be aroused. The eye is 
sensitive only to certain vibrations of ether ; at each end of 
the spectrum are vibrations of which the human race is uncon- 
scious. Insects are sensitive to musical tones to which the 
human ear is insensitive. Dogs respond constantly to slight 
differences in odors which it is impossible for human noses 
to detect. Original nature sets limits within which sense 
perception must be developed, if it is developed at all. 

DEVELOPMENT OF PERCEPTION. — The develop- 
ment which takes place in sense perception from babyhood 
to maturity is due to several causes. Mere inner growth pro- 
vides for their perfection of the sense organs and their connec- 
tions ; experience provides the conditions for consciousness of 
objects to be evolved ; changes in attention result in greater 
clearness and definiteness of the mental states ; practice gives 
greater power of discrimination in all the departments of sense 
perception. 

At birth the sense organs themselves are at different levels 
of perfection. The organ of taste, and the skin senses are 
just ready to perform their functions with a fair degree of 



Sense Perception 113 

accuracy ; but the eye, ear, and nose are very imperfect as 
organs. However, inner growth perfects all the sense organs 
during the first two or three years of a child's life, so that most 
of the changes which occur in sense perception during school 
life are due to the other causes. The kind of mental life 
aroused at first by the action of these connections can only 
be guessed at. Nothing like a consciousness of qualities or 
things or relationships can be present. James describes it 
as " a great, blooming, buzzing confusion." Certainly it is 
an undifferentiated mass of mental stuff, in which the feelings 
of bodily pain and discomfort stand out like spires. It prob- 
ably is not very dissimilar from the low level of mental action 
felt sometimes in a slow awakening from sleep or recovery 
from anaesthesia — without its sophisticated self-conscious- 
ness and efforts to remember, of course — where a diffused 
feeling of warmth and well-being, or pain and cold, quite un- 
realized, appears as a simple satisfier or annoyer. Sounds 
impinge on consciousness in a dislocated, meaningless, noisy 
way ; vague appeals to vision occur, with shape and distance 
unintelligible, mere dark and light long preceding color. 

By differences in simultaneous sensations. — From this 
confusion comes, in time, the well-ordered life of clear per- 
ception of the adult. In the first place, the change 
from mere sensation level is brought about by the percepts 
repeated action, and varied interaction of the dif- arise f™ m 

ttt-1 • sensations? 

ferent sense organs. When a baby handles his 
rattle the tactile and muscular senses in hand and arm are 
stimulated ; when he shakes it, the sense of hearing as well, 
and the sense of sight as his hand comes within the line of 
vision ; as he hits himself with it the tactile sense in other 
parts of the body is aroused ; as he puts it in his mouth further 
tactile, perhaps gustatory sensations occur, but the object 
may have disappeared from sight. When some one else 
shakes the rattle before him, some, but not all, the sensations 
are repeated. When other objects that do not rattle are 



ii4 Psychology of Childhood 

grasped there is another grouping of simultaneous stimuli. 
The rattle may be pink, hard, and smooth, the ball pink, soft, 
and fuzzy, the toy lamb white, soft, fuzzy but of a different 
shape — and so on through the endless combinations of ap- 
peal to different sense organs, or to different qualities sensed 
by the same organ. If his rattle stimulated only the sense 
of touch, and that always in the same way, it is doubtful 
whether anything more than indeterminate sensation could 
result from that stimulation. But because the rattle stimu- 
lates more than one sense organ simultaneously, and never 
stimulates them in just the same way, the result in conscious- 
ness is the feeling of " thinghood," or sense perception. In 
order, then, for definiteness to result from confusion, a world 
of " things " from chaotic sense feelings, experience must 
afford conditions of the simultaneous and varied stimulation 
of several sense organs by the same object. To the extent 
that this kind of experience is lacking or limited must the de- 
velopment of sense perception be handicapped. 

By improved attention. — In the second place, the improve- 
ment which takes place in attention makes for clearness and 
definiteness. So long as the attention is uncertain, wandering, 
and superficial, flitting with great rapidity from this to that, 
pausing nowhere for more than a few seconds, objects, as such, 
make but a hazy, incomplete, and often inaccurate impression. 
To get clear outlines, definite and accurate qualities, the at- 
tention must be caught and held. Defective attention, such 
as a " scatterbrain " has, for instance, results in deficiency 
in sense perception. In the third place, practice in noticing 
things and their qualities, in discriminating fine likenesses or 
differences between objects, makes for development in sense 
perception. Any environment which necessitates or encour- 
ages such discrimination must develop a fund of sense knowl- 
edge of great value; and a corresponding lack in such stim- 
ulating conditions results in a lack of mental content of the 
kind fundamental to all intellectual growth. 



Sense Perception 115 

Resulting differences between children and adults. — The 

chief differences between the sense perception of adults and 
of children grow out of these facts of develop- How do 
ment. In general, children lack in richness, in c ^i dren 
definiteness, and in detail of sense perceptions, adults in 
Despite the fact that there have been tremendous Perception? 
strides during the first few years, still, the ignorance and lack 
of observation of the common everyday objects by children 
of school age are appalling. G. Stanley Hall in his historic 
article on " Contents of Children's Minds " and likewise 
several German investigators, both preceding and following 
him, 1 have reached results that seem almost incredible. Some 
of the misconceptions are due to mere verbal analogies, e.g. 
oats grow on oak trees, and butter comes from the butterfly, 
others are due to the activity of the child's imagination 
and his tendency to interpret everything in terms of his own 
experience, e.g. thunder is God groaning, clouds are smoke ; 
but a very large number are due to simple lack of seeing, 
hearing, and feeling accurately and with attention the things 
that are in his daily life. It is hard to believe that 53 per 
cent of Boston school children tested had never seen a sunset, 
30 per cent never saw clouds and 55 per cent were ignorant 
of the source of wooden things ; and yet when a high-school 
graduate believed that apples were dug from the ground as 
are potatoes, and a youth that had lived all his life on a farm 
could not tell how a horse lies down, and a country girl did 
not know a robin, one begins to realize how much of false 
sense perception may go uncorrected. Hall in summarizing 
his results says, " There is next to nothing of pedagogic value, 
the knowledge of which is safe to assume at the outset of school 
life " ; and again, " the fact that children see objects a hun- 
dred times without acquiring consciousness of it suggests that 
we need to converse with children about the commonest 
things." Of course, with this great lack of perception of 

1 K. Lange, B. Hartman, J. Olsen, and E. Meumann. 



n6 Psychology of Childhood 

things, there must naturally go an even greater lack of per- 
ception of qualities. The consciousness of clear-cut blues or 
reds, of curves or straight lines, of musical tones or noises, 
of softness or hardness, as well as space and time relations 
are characteristics of the adult rather than the child. He 
reaches an appreciation of elementary sensations only as a 
matter of analysis, and as a result of the working of the factors 
influential in the development of perception. 

Another striking difference between the perceptions of 
children and adults is the difference in the amount of stimulus 
necessary to call up a percept. The child at the beginning 
needs a large amount of stimulus, and needs it to be given in 
just the same way in order that the perception be of the same 
object. Mother in a different dress, or appearing suddenly 
in new surroundings may not be recognized, and certainly it 
is a long time before mother is perceived by just seeing the 
back of her head, her silhouette in the distance, or her walk. 
The older the individual, the greater his experience with the 
situation, the less the amount of stimulus needed to call up 
the percept. This fact of mental development is particularly 
noticeable in connection with reading. The child needs to 
read every word in order to get the meaning of the sentence, 
every sentence in order to get the paragraph, whereas for the 
mature individual the important word or two in the sentence, 
or the topic sentences in the paragraph are enough to furnish 
the sensory clue to a full perception. It takes time for the 
child to evolve his types or standards in connection with per- 
ception. As he accomplishes this end, fewer and fewer char- 
acteristics, less and less of sense stimulation is necessary for 
him to proceed. 

A third difference between children and adults in their per- 
ception lies in the power of " mind's set" or the passing mental 
content to determine the percept. Every one is influenced by 
the state of mind he is in as to what he will think in the next 
few minutes, and a previous mood is a strong factor in deter- 



Sense Perception 117 

mining his point of view. We all tend to see or hear or feel 
what we expect; witness the tragic results that have come 
from simple fraternity initiations. But the child, because of 
the characteristics of his attention, is even more influenced 
by the passing mental state. Two important practical pre- 
cepts grow out of this fact. In the first place, it is very neces- 
sary that with a child the aim of the work be kept very clearly 
in mind ; he should know very definitely what he is to look 
for or to do if results worth while are to be obtained. In the 
second place, new material in any line should not be given 
until the child has had time to warm up, to adapt himself to 
the new line of work. To plunge a class immediately into 
new work in geography or reading when their thoughts have 
not yet had time to get out of the arithmetic system, leads to a 
waste of time and confusion. There is need of " prepara- 
tion " of the child's mind by getting him into the other system 
before new material is presented. 

Cause of Illusions. — Because of the strength of the pass- 
ing mental content, children are more subject than adults to 
one type of illusion. A child in the dentist's chair is hurt 
long before the instruments have touched his tooth. Sent to 
watch for father, he sees him several times before father ar- 
rives. Having talked about the bluebird, he sees the flush 
of its wing and hears its call when it may be only a robin. If 
he is told by some one whom he loves or respects that such 
and such a thing is there, the normal child of seven or eight 
will see it or hear it. The suggestibility of children under ten 
has been proven by experiments in many fields, but every 
teacher has evidence of it day after day in her own classroom 
as children see and hear and feel what the questions or talk 
have suggested. On the other hand, children are probably 
freer than adults from illusions dependent on habitual inter- 
pretation of phenomena. The adult, while reading rapidly; 
is more likely than the child to overlook a misprint in spelling 
in a word familiar to both, or is sure he read the name of his 



1 1 8 Psychology of Childhood 

destination on the front of the street car yet finds himself up 
the wrong avenue, or fails to hear the transposition, omission, 
mispronunciation, or whatnot in a time-honored quotation 
which sends the child into mirthful convulsions. It is be- 
cause of this difference that a child is sometimes called more 
literal than the adult. If his mind is not very much taken up 
with something, if it is not " set " in a certain direction by 
suggestion or aim, he is likely to see the facts as they are, 
whereas the adult may be influenced by life habits into a mis- 
interpretation. 

Specific development. — Tracing the development of the 
perceptive power of any one kind is extremely difficult ; the 
How does results of different investigations stress different 
perception factors. However, certain facts seem to be gen- 
eveop. erally accepted. "The eye in early childhood is 
an incomplete eye, naturally underfocused and poorly adapted 
for near work. But, as general bodily maturity approaches, the 
eye under optimal conditions tends to become emmetropic. " 1 
Differences in brightness are perceived at about six months 
of age, and during the second half year, reds and yellows are 
discriminated. Blue is perceived with greater difficulty ac- 
cording to most investigators. Power in discrimination of 
both colors and brightness improves up to about sixteen or 
seventeen years of age. Several observers have found that 
girls and women exceed boys and men slightly in this capacity. 
As to space perception, there are very decided differences of 
opinion. Sandiford says, " Judgment of distance with the eye 
is non-existent in growing babies (they grasp at the moon), 
but by the time seven or eight years of age is reached, it is 
probably as accurate as in adults." 2 Thorndike, on the other 
hand, says, " It has generally been assumed that man has to 
learn to respond appropriately to distance, — that, for ex- 
ample, a child will reach for the moon as readily as for a similar 

1 Whipple, Manual of .Mental and Physical Tests, p. i.v>. 

2 The Mental and Physical Life of School Children, p. [22. 



Sense Perception 119 

bright object a foot or so away. But I am unable to verify 
this opinion. Of perhaps fifty observant parents whom I 
have questioned, not one could be sure that his children ever 
reached for the moon." 1 On the whole, space perception 
for short distances, helped out as it is by hands and eyes, then 
by locomotion, is earlier and better developed than is color 
perception. Ziehen and Meumann found that even at six 
years of age considerable accuracy in judgment and freedom 
from visual illusion had been attained. Conceptual expe- 
rience of such distances as we express in miles is, of course, a 
much later development, as are also interpretations of flat, 
perspective drawings, or of the size of unfamiliar objects when 
shown only in pictures. 

In perception of weight, it is probable that there is not much 
change with age, and that practice has comparatively little 
effect on the power of discrimination. In skin sensitivity 
the consensus of opinion is that children are much more sen- 
sitive than adults, and that practice improves the capacity 
enormously. This experimental evidence is borne out by the 
fact that in some industries where delicacy of touch and fine- 
ness of discrimination are necessary, such as knotting willow 
plumes, children have been in great demand. The exquisite 
sensitivity of blind people's fingers has given rise to the ex- 
pression that they have " eyes in their fingers," and this skill 
has come from constant practice. 

Sound perception is supposedly but poorly developed in the 
first few years. Investigations have, however, been largely 
confined to pitch discrimination and to ability to give a melody 
from memory or direct imitation, with but little attention to 
judgments of intensity, volume, direction, or quality of sounds. 
In pitch discrimination, besides a considerable range of in- 
dividual variation, we find improvement with practice and 
with age, though with arrests in progressive sensitiveness at 
about the ages ten and fifteen. Fewer than forty per cent of 

1 The Original Nature of Man, p. 50. 



120 Psychology of Childhood 

children under six can give a melody from memory according 
to Monroe ; l this capacity obviously improves a great deal 
with age and practice. Perception of rhythm may appear in 
year-old infants, though it may be noticeably deficient as late 
as seven years. Duple and quadruple time is naturally easier 
than triple, especially to reproduce. The longer beat in 
periods and cadences, whether in music, prose, or poetry, is 
frequently not felt till the adolescent period when there is an 
added interest in and appreciation of many sense perceptions. 
Perception of long periods of time develops but slowly. A 
four-year-old is confused as to yesterday, tomorrow, next 
week. Meumann thinks that all complex time concepts such 
as last spring, day before yesterday, a month ago, are quite 
unintelligible to a six-year-old. Arithmetic books to the 
contrary, the eight-year-old's day is from waking time till 
dark, containing a varying, indefinite number of hours. Not 
till nine or more birthdays have passed does a child begin to 
regard a year as other than a wonderfully long period, and to 
date events in his past either with any great accuracy, or over 
long intervals. 

SENSE ORGANS. — General psychology as well as com- 
mon observation emphasizes the fact that all knowledge is 
dependent upon sense perception, and all learn- 

What sense . *\ ? . ^ _\ ' 

defects are ing is conditioned by it. If this type of experience 
commonly j s s0 valuable, obviously the first thing in the edu- 

found? . . J . . ° 

cation of children along this line is to be sure 
that the organs of sense are in a condition to be affected by 
the stimuli presented. Defects of eyes or ears have been found 
to mean a handicap to the child of such a far-reaching nature 
that detection and correction of such defects is one of the 
primary duties of school officers. Extreme defect in either 
of these senses has caused children to be considered stupid 
and even mentally defective, when the only trouble was inade- 
quate sense organs. 

1 Ped. Sem., Vol. 10. 



Sense Perception 121 

Eye defects. — The percentage of defective eyes among 
school children is very large, but the exact figures will vary 
with the kind and delicacy of the test used. Some investi- 
gators have found only 19 per cent having defective eyes, 
others, at some ages, as many as 92 per cent. Comparing 
statistics from England, Russia, Japan, and several parts of 
the United States Rusk l sums it up by saying " from 10 to 
30 per cent of the school population have vision sufficiently 
imperfect to command correction by glasses." The most 
common defect, also that definitely increasing with age, but 
fortunately easy to discover, is myopia, or shortsightedness. 
This defect is due to a too long diameter of the eyeball from 
front to back causing the light rays to focus in front of the 
retina. The opposite condition — too short an eyeball with 
the rays brought to focus behind the retina — produces 
hyperopia, or farsightedness. Here there may be no loss of 
acuity of vision, and with some effort the eye may be forced 
to do the work required of it ; but this, so far from being a 
benefit, as some people imagine, will, if uncorrected by convex 
lenses, induce a fatigued condition of the ciliary muscle which 
regulates the accommodation of the eye. A third defect, 
known as astigmatism, is due to uneven curvature of the cornea 
or perhaps of the lens of the eye itself. Here too there is 
danger of constant strain on muscles which may result in re- 
flex disturbances of a serious nature. These last two types of 
defect are not usually discovered by the ordinary tests of 
vision applied in the schools since they are designed to test 
acuity. Consequently, children possessing them may go 
on year after year using up their energy, perhaps breaking 
down their nervous systems in the mere effort to see. 

There are other eye defects shown in lack of balance or con- 
trol in some of the six muscles that move the eyes in their 
sockets. The mostserious is squint, strabismus or " cross eyes," 
which generally results from excessive hyperopia in one eye 
1 Introduction to Experimental Education. 



122 Psychology of Childhood 

causing it to be gradually disused, therefore turned in or out. 
As the double vision thus experienced is confusing, the child 
soon comes to disregard the retinal image of the squinting eye ; 
this further aggravates the trouble, since power to focus and 
to move is lost in time, from disuse. Prompt and early treat- 
ment is of the highest importance if vision is to be retained. 
As muscle strain in the eyes may result from the less easily 
detected hyperopia and astigmatism teachers should be on 
the watch for symptoms in children such as frowning, smart- 
ing or watery eyes, complaints of blurred print, bad posture 
over work. Reflex symptoms exist too, such as headache, 
particularly in the frontal region, perhaps nausea or other 
forms of indigestion, neurasthenia, motor disturbances, and 
general emotional instability. 

Another, rather different eye defect is that of color blindness 
found in about 4 per cent of boys and less than 1 per cent in 
girls. Red-green blindness is the most common form. It 
may be in one eye or in both, and therefore may go unsus- 
pected till a careful test is made. It is nearly always con- 
genital, and is incurable, though children may learn to recog- 
nize some reds or greens by means of differences in brightness. 

Ear defects. — Defective hearing is not so serious in its 
results on the nervous system of the child as is eyestrain, but, 
when it exists, it interferes with the development of percep- 
tions and therefore of knowledge. A number of investigators 
find about 20 per cent of school children defective in one or 
both ears. Such children frequently show an imperfect 
language development, and, because they fail to get much of 
the instruction in the schoolroom, are apt to be considered 
dull and get retarded in school progress. From being partly 
shut off from the play of normal children, they are in danger 
of growing up " queer," anti-social, bad-tempered, subnormal 
physically and morally. Once the condition is detected the 
cause of deafness should be sought for by the physician. 
Sometimes the removal of tonsils and adenoids will secure 



Sense Perception 123 

relief; but if treatment will not effect a cure, deaf children 
need to be taught by special methods, therefore, for a time at 
least, segregated. 

It is evident from these facts that the two senses of sight 
and hearing must be carefully tested by experts who under- 
stand the dangers and the handicaps that various types of 
defects cause, if children's health is to be preserved and their 
physical equipment be such as will make possible the accumu- 
lation of a fund of clear, accurate sense impressions. 

TRAINING IN PERCEPTION. Necessity of training. — 
To have attended to the condition of the sense organs is only 
a beginning, however. Not only must these be in good shape 
in order for proper perception to be developed, How is 
but children need training in the methods of perception 
learning through their senses. It is through the trame ' 
action of the sense organs that all the mental stuff comes from 
which is built the world of knowledge, of imagination, of 
reason. It is fundamental to intellect, to character, and to 
conduct. Limitation of experience in this field, or incorrect- 
ness of perception, must result in a lack of some kind in the 
more complex realms of mental life. All this is known in- 
tellectually by teachers and educators, but it is far from being 
a conviction with them. Far too little time and thought and 
preparation are given to the refining and enriching of the sen- 
sory experience of children. Yet much of this is needed if the 
child is to enter into and possess the world of things. He 
must be given time to touch, look at, listen to, feel, lift, per- 
haps smell and taste, many objects. In nature study he must 
learn to perceive form, color, number, relative size, position 
by looking, touching, pulling apart, feeling the texture, get- 
ting possibly the temperature, odor, and taste. In music he 
must have tones of varying pitch, intensity, duration ; he must 
hear the difference between a note sounded on piano, cornet, 
violin, organ, flute, human voice of different qualities ; he 
must feel the effect of groups of successive or simultaneous 



124 Psychology of Childhood 

tones with all possible variations again of pitch, intensity, 
duration, rhythm, and color value before he has what we call 
an " ear " that is cultivated. In spelling he must look at, 
pronounce, write, and listen to the letters, syllables, and words. 
In a cooking lesson, amount, color, proportion, texture, space 
arrangement, distance must be tested by eyes and hands, 
while ears as well as nose may help judge processes before 
taste sits in judgment. The hands must acquire skill in move- 
ments such as kneading, egg-beating, and this depends on 
discrimination of cutaneous and kinesthetic sensations. All 
this needs careful planning by the teacher. Left to themselves 
children's percepts are hazy, incomplete, and inaccurate. 
Definite provision and preparation are necessary if the percep- 
tual growth of children is to be what it should be. With all 
its faults, the Montessori system has done much in once more 
calling attention to the need for more training in sense per- 
ception and discrimination, especially to the gain to the very 
little child in using touch and movement to help out the eye 
judgment. 

The whole question of so-called sense training or observa- 
tion lessons is bound up not only with the facts of perception, 
but also with those of attention, memory, and the formation 
of concepts. It is convenient, however, to treat of it at this 
point rather than later. 

Types of observation. — Observation may be of three kinds, 
according to Meumann : (i) inquiring, or purposeful, to 
How do we which one comes prepared with varied points of 
"observe"? v j ew an d definitely directed attention. The act 
of perceiving may be either leisurely, as in looking at a picture 
or specimen, or momentary, as in watching an event in rapid 
progress, or listening for a sound. In the latter case the at- 
tention is more highly concentrated, and after-images and 
immediate memory are relatively more important ; (2) non- 
purposive, surprised, forced upon one by some sudden occur- 
rence in the environment ; (3) purposive, but passively expect- 



Sense Perception 125 

ant, in which one is definitely attentive, open to any and all 
impressions, to which one comes with no points of view clearly 
in mind. In speaking of sense training, we usually mean 
the first or purposeful type. In this the function of attention 
is firstly, to hold in mind the " goal-idea " ; secondly, to in- 
crease the clearness to the sense organs and to consciousness 
of the details observed ; thirdly, to fixate in memory the things 
noted ; fourthly, to assist in classifying or analyzing one's 
impression. 

Individual differences in perception. — People differ in 
their ability to concentrate their attention and to resist dis- 
traction. The changes in children as they grow Howdo 
older in their power of attending will make a dif- children 
ference in their capacity to observe. People differ, adults in™ 
again, in the amount perceived and in the speed their ob- 
with which they can reproduce what was presented ; servatlon 
therefore as children's span and range of attention increase 
we may expect improvement in the amount and accuracy of 
their observing. People differ also in their habit of using the 
first or the third type of observation. The first is productive 
of definite, but sometimes prejudiced results in a narrow field ; 
the third may be vague in intent and method, wide in scope 
and serves well as a preliminary stage in a new field of inquiry, 
revealing lines of interest that may be followed up by using 
the first type of observation. Children need systematic train- 
ing if they are to be habituated to the method of the first type, 
and accomplish ends worth while. People differ further in 
their suggestibility under questioning that follows the act of 
perception. Children under twelve are much more suggestible 
than are adults, therefore their reports of perceptual expe- 
riences are likely to be more inaccurate the more they are inter- 
rogated with " leading " questions. Another difference is to 
be noted between the subjective observer, who is misled by 
his expectancy, his imagination, and his interpretations, and 
the objective observer, who readily distinguishes what is 



126 Psychology of Childhood 

actually perceived from what might be subjectively added. 
This difference in type is found among children too, though 
their fluctuating attention and intensity of interest may make 
them less consistently of one type. Girls are more subjective 
than boys. 

Improvement in observation. — In general, natural ability 
to observe improves steadily up to about fifteen years of age, 
What stages a ^ ter which it declines. Defectives reach their 
of develop- highest point earlier and then often revert to the 
Observation ability they possessed at eleven. Spontaneous 
have been descriptions of perceptual experiences double in 
amount between the ages of seven and fourteen, 
according to Stern, and nearly triple between seven and 
nineteen. " Increase of spontaneity in observing and noting 
is one of the most essential characteristics of mental develop- 
ment." l When pressed by questioning further facts are 
remembered and reported on, but after fourteen years of 
age no improvement in the total amount thus described is 
found. 

Children of different ages notice different sorts of things, if 
we can judge by the items they will freely report on or ignore. 
Under seven a child observes disconnected objects or persons 
and enumerates rather than describes them. To this " sub- 
stance " stage succeeds one of greater attention to actions. 
Girls more than boys are apt to show a sudden transition 
from the first to the second, as also from the second to the next 
stage. A ten-year-old will begin to report on spatial, temporal, 
and causal relationships, but not till well after twelve does 
there come the stage of qualitative analysis of the objects 
presented. Color, contrary to presupposition, does not 
appear in the accounts given by young children ; in fact a 
child may be fourteen years old before telling of it sponta- 
neously. Girls will tell better about persons . boys about 
things, a distinction that comes out also in the noticing of 
1 Meumann, The Psychology of Learning, p. 138. 



Sense Perception 127 

color. Boys are more accurate in their reports than are girls, 
but narrower in their range. Accuracy increases with age 
and practice, though here again the sexes develop differently 
— the boys improving most during the years seven to ten, 
the girls from ten to fourteen. Training to observe by dif- 
ferent categories, such as number, color, form, has an im- 
mediate but probably not permanent effect if the category 
used is in advance of that which is natural to the age. 

Teaching suggestions. — Some applications of these facts 
would be : first, since the feeling of certainty is no measure 
of real accuracy of memory, children should be trained to 
rely more on repeating the sense impression and comparing 
their memory directly with the perceptual experience. This 
habit of " taking another look " is much needed in spelling 
and accidence for the establishment of correct usage, and is 
invaluable as verification in science work. Second, since 
children lack many controlling ideas by which to systematize 
their observation, it is important to arouse their interest, 
direct their attention, suggest an aim or " goal-idea," and 
teach them the value and method of use of such ideas rather 
than proceeding in haphazard fashion. Third, as accuracy 
can be improved by training while the amount noted depends 
more directly on the age of the child, emphasis should be laid 
on attention and verification. Overquestioning on the 
memory of the material presented will not assist the quantity 
recalled very much ; indeed, the high suggestibility of chil- 
dren makes this last a doubtful expedient at best. 

All through childhood continual contact with things of all 
kinds is necessary. Consider the value of excursions, muse- 
ums, factories, nature study, handwork, elementary science, 
duties about the home, in the school, on the street, which in- 
volve dealing with the World of Things. This should be 
followed by the testing of the perceptions acquired, at first 
under the direction of the teacher. Also situations must be 
arranged that encourage free, spontaneous observation on 



128 Psychology of Childhood 

the part of the child, first in one field and then in another. 
In all this training, it must be constantly borne in mind that 
there is no faculty of observation or perception that can be 
trained for usefulness by a course of arbitrarily arranged 
material. If observation of people is needed, training in that 
line must be given ; if of nature, the training must be with 
that material ; if of foodstuffs, or dress materials, or musical 
tones, or words, or qualities, or relationships, in each case the 
training must be definite and particular. Further, training 
the eye to perceive will not, cannot train the fingers ; they 
must be trained, their power developed by their own activity. 
There is no mysterious transfer of power from one sense de- 
partment to another. Every bit of development acquired 
comes as the result of some definite activity, and the fingers 
have been much neglected in the development of perception. 
The very fact that in childhood the sense of touch is most 
delicate should stir teachers to make the best use of it at that 
time, not only in handling objects, but in responding to tex- 
ture and to pressure. The muscle sense which, combined as 
it often is with the tactual, gives the true feeling of a thing, 
also needs special training in the perception of form and con- 
tour. Nor need the sense of smell, decadent as it is, be neg- 
lected. 

In connection with this matter of training, Dewey says, 
" No number of object lessons, got up as object lessons for 
the sake of giving information, can afford even the shadow of a 
substitute for acquaintance with the plants and animals of 
the farm and garden, acquired through actual living among 
them and caring for them. No training of sense organs in 
school, introduced for the sake of training, can begin to com- 
pete with the alertness and fullness of sense — life that comes 
through daily intimacy and interest in familiar occupations." l 
Hall emphasizes something of the same truth when he says, 
" The best preparation parents can give their children for good 

1 School and Society, p. 24. 



Sense Perception 129 

school training, is to make them acquainted with natural 
objects, especially with the sights and sounds of the country." l 
Although the country offers the best opportunities to develop 
perceptions in connection with the natural world, yet the city, 
the great field of industry, of the result of man's labor and 
invention, offers measureless opportunities for development 
along different lines. No matter where the child is living, 
material is there, — living, vital material, to which the child 
is constantly reacting. It is the duty of the teacher to take 
these life situations, and in connection with the reactions 
which naturally take place to develop perceptions which are 
clear, correct, and adequate, to see to it that they are as numer- 
ous and rich as possible, and to supply material or motive 
when either is lacking ; for upon the material gathered from 
sense perception will depend all future growth and develop- 
ment. 

Exercises 

1. Spend 15 minutes in each of three or four classrooms noting 
indications of defective vision or hearing among the children. 
Verify by consulting the teacher for names of the children sus- 
pected and by looking up such records as the school keeps of each 
child's physical condition. 

2. Find out who has charge of examining children for sense 
defects, (1) in the rural districts nearest you, (2) for the high- 
school population. 

3. Get specimens of the physical report cards used in the city 
or county where you live. 

4. Have a short selection played on a victrola five or six times. 

Attend the first time to the melody. 

Attend the second time to the rhythm. 

Attend the third time to the quality of the sounds. 

Attend the fourth time to the alterations in tempo (if 

any) or extremes, of pitch. 
Attend the fifth time to the harmony. 
Attend the sixth time to the thoughts or images suggested. 
1 The Contents of Children's Minds. 



130 Psychology of Childhood 

Notice how different your attention feels each time. In which 
case did you get the least result? Why? What does this sug- 
gest for teaching ? 

Questions for Discussion 

1. How does the method used in the early teaching of Helen 
Keller, or of deaf-mutes, illustrate the growth of perception from 
sensation ? 

2. What is the difference in attention when one looks, looks at, 
or looks for? Or listens, listens to, listens for? 

3. Illustrate effects of the law of "mind's set" during a sense 
presentation. 

4. What is the fault in teaching as follows : giving fifth-grade 
children a map saying "Study that for next time"? Announcing 
that "I want you to listen while this is played and then tell me 
what you notice"? 

5. Mention cases where touching and manipulating objects are 
of great assistance in helping correct perception. 

References for Reading 

Hall, Aspects of Child Life and Education, pp. 1-52. 
Whipple, Manual of Mental and Physical Tests, ch. 8. 
Meumann, The Psychology of Learning, ch. 4. 
Terman, The Hygiene of the School Child, chs. 13, 14. 



CHAPTER VIII 

MEMORY 

PHYSIOLOGICAL BASIS OF MEMORY. — The term 
" memory " has been used to refer to several different kinds 
of mental processes, but in its most general use it What is 
refers to the fact that a situation tends to evoke if^. 1 ' 
the mental response with which it has previously ory " ? 
been connected. The original roots of this tendency are to 
be found in the modinability of the synapses in the cortex. 
A connection once made leaves its mark on the synapses 
involved. The synapses concerned in memory, then, are 
those of the secondary connections. As was pointed out in 
Chapter V, the possession of these tendencies to secondary 
connections is one of the distinguishing marks of the human 
species, and the great modinability and retentive power of 
the synapses produce in man a power of memory infinitely 
above that of the lower animals. Good and poor memories 
find their ultimate explanation in this plasticity of synapses. 
They are a result of the physiological structure, a gift of 
original nature, and although conditions hindering the best 
action and development of memory may be removed and be 
replaced by stimulating ones, still the original retentiveness 
remains unchanged. Memory, as a physiological quality 
of b~ain tissue, cannot be improved. 

IMMEDIATE MEMORY AND RETENTION. — To dis- 
tinguish further between the different usages of the term, we 
may recall from general psychology that it may stand for 
(i) immediate memory, that is, the reproduction of material 
without any appreciable time interval between the impres- 
131 



132 Psychology of Childhood 

sion and the expression ; and (2) retention, indicating the 
power to reproduce material after a considerable interval, 
varying from hours to months, has elapsed. It is important to 
notice in which of the two senses the term "memory" is being 
used ; for the development is quite unlike in the two abilities, 
as is also the difference between children and adults. Many 
authors use the expression " memorizing " when discussing 
immediate memory, since rote memorizing for laboratory 
purposes has usually been tested immediately. Naturally, 
for schoolroom purposes, a teacher's use of the same ex- 
pression by no means coincides with the experimenter's idea 
of mere immediate reproduction. 

Difference between children and adults. — Contrary to 

popular opinion, adults can memorize better than children 

can. Children fall far below adults in their power 

How do , \ 

adults and of immediate memory. All the experimental evi- 
c/uWren dence goes to show that there is a gradual improve- 
ment in this power up to about fourteen or fifteen 
years of age. After that period memory fluctuates. Some 
investigators, Meumann in particular, claim that improve- 
ment goes on, though unsteadily, up to about twenty-two, 
with a rapid gain in the early teens, whereas many others 
find but slight improvement after fourteen. A few psy- 
chologists, G. Stanley Hall in particular, find that the age 
from ten to twelve or thirteen is the opportune time for 
memory development ; the majority agree on no one period 
as better than any other. 

The facts concerning permanent memory tend to bear out 
the common impression that children have better memories 
than adults. It is probable that what on the ground of 
theory one would suppose to be true, is really true ; namely 
that the retentive power of children is greater than that of 
adults. Although retentiveness is weak during the first 
four years it improves steadily up to about twelve years old 
or perhaps slightly later; after that, both ability and ac- 



Memory 133 

curacy in retention fall off. 'So that although children forget 
more than adults do, as is proved by the conditions of im- 
mediate memory, the material that survives the process of 
obliviscence is retained longer than the same material by the 
adult./ 7 Combining the facts of immediate memory and 
retention, then, a child of ten would not learn so easily as an 
adult of thirty for an immediate test of memory, would forget 
more during the first twenty minutes following the memoriz- 
ing, but would keep better to the next day or next week 
whatever survived this first forgetting period. Whatever may 
be the factors that account for this difference, greater interest, 
greater plasticity, fewer mental processes going on, or fewer 
facts already fixed in memory, the fact still remains that what 
one gets in childhood is more likely to remain than what is 
fixed at any other time in life. In old age, or sickness, it is the 
more lately acquired associations of maturity which are the first 
to fade or become inaccurate ; those made in childhood persist. 
The recent work of the Freudian school tends to emphasize 
this fact, though rather from the point of view of the force 
of early impressions tinged with any emotion or excitement. 
Suggestions for teaching. — The practical suggestions 
arising from these facts are self-evident. If connections, 
associations are worth while, childhood is the time to fix them. 
Later in life they can be fixed only at the expenditure of much 
unnecessary time and labor, and sometimes even that will 
not suffice. Our forefathers were right in theory, although 
the material chosen may have been faulty, when they in- 
sisted on children's memorizing poetry, speeches, maxims, 
and passages from the Bible. If such material is worth having 
in memory, the time for getting it is before puberty. On the 
other hand, the fact that immediate memory is comparatively 
poor in childhood makes it imperative that measures be taken 
to insure the retention of the material beyond the most active 
period of obliviscence. The value of " overlearning " for 
purposes of recall needs to be impressed on teachers and 



134 Psychology of Childhood 

students. To be able to repeat a thing once without error, 
though it may satisfy a laboratory requirement, does not 
argue a memory of it in the sense of probable accurate re- 
tention. The correctness may be a matter of chance as every 
learner discovers when " trying once more." Consequently, 
children should be encouraged to learn till they can repeat 
material at least twice running without error, which will entail 
a much greater number of repetitions and efforts to recall. 

MEMORY FOR VARIED MATERIAL. — Memory for 
different types of material has been described, emphasized, 
and tested by Binet, Meumann, Netschajeff, Lobsien, Pohl- 
mann, and others. Unfortunately the nomenclature is apt 
to be confusing — for instance : auditory impressions were 
given of a series of different sorts of sounds, such as clapping, 
whistling, stamping ; or of words meaning sounds, such as 
music, song ; or digits were spoken rather than presented in 
series to the eye, and any one of these things may be meant 
when speaking of " auditory memory." However, there is 
no guarantee that material presented to any one sense organ 
is remembered in corresponding imagery, so that " memory 
for auditory presentations " would be a more accurate way 
of expressing the facts. Moreover, to write a description of 
a sound heard, as in the first series described above, is not 
the same sort of thing as making a similar series of sounds 
one's self, as is demanded in a music test, nor is it so simple 
as writing down a series of numerals heard rather than seen. 

Ages of development. — With these precautions in mind 
we may accept the findings of Smedley * that auditory memory 
develops rapidly up to about 14 years of age and 
^different Dut slowly afterwards, while visual memory seems 
types of to develop up to about 15 or 16 years of age. Be- 
7eve°op? f° re 9' auditory memory is stronger than visual. 
Though on the whole there is general improve- 
ment up to the teens, yel the rate for different forms of 
1 Report, Dept. of Child-study (Chicago Public Schools). No. 3. 



Memory 135 

memory is not the same, nor do the maximum periods for 
all coincide. Netschajeff 1 and Lobsien agree in pointing 
out periods of rapid improvement in some forms of memory 
followed by periods of lack of improvement. Before twelve 
years old concrete words are better remembered than are 
abstract terms, and, as might be expected, memory for 
objects seen is better, and develops earlier, than memory for 
wouds or numbers. The years ten to twelve are specially 
favorable, the period fourteen to fifteen specially unfavorable 
for development. Girls are better than boys during the 
ages eleven to fourteen, and usually reproduce more of the 
material, though with less accuracy in the order, than boys. 
Other sex differences are as follows : " With boys the memory 
for objects is first developed, then words of visual content, 
words of auditory content, sounds, terms denoting tactual 
and motor experiences, numbers, abstract conceptions, and, 
lastly, emotional terms; with girls, the order is words of 
visual content, objects, sounds, numbers, abstract concep- 
tions, words of auditory content, terms denoting tactual and 
motor experiences, and emotional terms." 2 

It should be noted that children's memory for a series of 
words denoting emotions, such as joy, sorrow, hope, care, is 
poor. Naturally, to them this is a series of abstract terms 
more remote from their normal vocabulary than the corre- 
sponding adjectives would be. It is not surprising, there- 
fore, considering the late development of memory of abstract 
terms, that children should do poorly with lists of this type. 
What is really amazing is that the investigators, on such a 
foundation, should have based a statement that children 
below fourteen possess a very poor memory for emotions. If 
we could induce a series of actual emotions in the children, 
or arouse them even in imagination, testing by normal bodily 
expression or " acting out," we should probably find a very 

1 Zeitschrift fur Psychologie, 24 and 27. 

2 Rusk, Introduction to Experimental Education, p. 82. 



136 Psychology of Childhood 

different state of affairs. Certainly children's emotions are 
keen enough, and this very intensity serves to recall ex- 
periences after long periods of time ; but we need a more 
refined test before accepting at face value any conclusion 
such as that stated above, and so frequently quoted. 

Teaching suggestions. — Two factors which condition 
the recall of a fact are the depth of the impression, and the 
number of associations or cues which it has. When memory 
depends primarily on the first factor it is likely to be of the 
desultory type, whereas an emphasis on the second factor 
results in logical memory. The adult's tends to be of the 
logical type, while that of children is more of the desultory 
type. The memory for related ideas improves steadily up 
to thirteen or fourteen, so that a larger proportion of the 
associations in the child's mind is of the desultory sort than 
in the adult's mind. It seems almost impossible for an adult 
to hold in memory a fact when there is not much to hang it 
to, no relationships or reasons that will serve as cues, whereas 
such facts seem simply " to stick " in the minds of most 
children. This being true, it behooves the educator to take 
advantage of this tendency and to fix in children's minds 
certain more or less isolated facts, such as modern language 
vocabularies, equivalents in mathematics, names in geography, 
symbols in chemistry and physics, and spelling. Wessely 
affirms that " vocabularies (Latin-German) are reproduced 
more accurately at the expiration of one to four weeks when 
learned by twelve-year-old, than when learned by fifteen- 
year-old S's." x This is a strong argument for beginning modern 
languages in the grammar grades ; and when one realizes 
that it is from ten to twelve that children become so very 
much interested in secret languages, dog Latin, etc., the 
motive for such work is supported. As this type depends 
primarily on the depth of the impression for the power of 
recall, it is necessary that the impression be made as intense 

1 Summarized by Whipple, Manual of Mental and Physical Tests, p. 376. 



Memory 137 

as possible by use of appeals to native attention and in- 
stinctive interests. On the other hand, the fact that logical 
memory develops with age, being a secondary form, offers 
many opportunities for training. There is no question that 
logical memory is the more efficient type in the long run, 
although desultory memory is of value to all people some- 
times, and for certain professions is an absolute necessity. 
The development and training of logical memory is one of 
the means of developing children's thinking power, and from 
another point of view it is an essential element in all thinking. 
RELATION OF RATE OF LEARNING TO RETENTION. 
— It has been customary for teachers to regard with sus- 
picion the child who learns his lesson in very t . x J 

1 i Isitadvan- 

much less time than the rest of the class need, tageousto 
The maxim " Easy come, easy go " has been lear . n u 
firmly fixed with respect to memory work. Recent 
experiments with both children and adults as subjects prove 
conclusively that the quick learner is not the quick forgetter. 
Children who learn quickly retain more on the average than 
those who learn slowly, both as tested by immediate and 
permanent memory. It is very important that all those 
dealing with children bear this fact in mind. The quick 
learner, whose work is looked upon with suspicion, and who 
is sent back to it again and again, is not only developing an 
emotional attitude of dislike or indifference for the subject 
and sometimes even for the school, but he is forming bad 
habits of work. He is learning not to put his best work into 
his study, not to work at his highest speed, because it " doesn't 
pay." He forms habits of half-hearted work of divided at- 
tention, and the teacher is to blame. Many children of 
bright minds and quick memories may thus have been almost 
ruined for their best work, just because their ability was not 
given full rating, was not accepted at face value. Of course, 
all children have to be taught to test themselves when 'they 
are studying, and to know when they do know the lesson, 



138 Psychology of Childhood 

and not to stop just short of the threshold of recall but rather 
to go a little beyond. All children need this training, but the 
quick learner does not need it any more than the slow learner. 
There is a crying need in school for a recognition of this kind 
of ability and provision for it. More individual instruction, 
less formality in school programs, will be demanded, more 
variety in material offered ; but such changes are essential 
to the development and saving of the quickest minds. 

MEMORIZING. Distributed or continuous method. — 
The value of distributed, rather than continuous periods of 
learning is obviously important in the case of 
method young children, because of the characteristics of 
shall we their attention. The younger the children the 
In teaming '? greater should be the number of brief periods. 
For primary children it is certainly better to have a 
subject twice a day, than to concentrate the same number of 
minutes into one period. For grammar-grade children it is 
better to have a subject for a shorter time every day than to 
have three long periods a week. For high-school students, 
a double period once a week is an uneconomical allotment of 
time. Not only do the characteristics of attention involving 
interest and fatigue make this distribution advisable, but the 
fact that with impressions of equal strength those formed 
earlier are less adversely affected by time adds another reason. 
Besides this value of the aging of associations and the extra 
opportunities for recall, the facts of repetition and correlation 
suggest that a month's short, intensive course, not followed 
by a related course, is little likely to produce good results. 
The twenty or more crowded lessons, isolated from other 
similar material, would be better remembered if spread over 
a longer period with more opportunities for cross-associations, 
wider range of relationships, and recall at longer intervals. 
At the other extreme of undesirability is the course of forty 
lessons spread over an entire school year, with a large frac- 
tion of each period, and therefore of the total teaching time, 



Memory 139 

spent on renewing contact with the subject matter, " warm- 
ing up" as it is called. However, it must be borne in mind 
that both the character of the minds taught and the char- 
acter of the material must determine the length and frequency 
of learning periods. Too long periods may induce a lack of 
attention if there is monotony in dealing with mechanical 
processes or material very nearly mastered, or they will in- 
volve fatigue with young children ; too brief periods may not 
allow for orientation in meaningful or new material, nor 
for those children who warm up slowly. Too frequent periods 
may prevent logical synthesis and may train in' cramming 
methods ; too infrequent periods may result in dissipated 
interest and effort and in shaky habit formation. As to the 
intervals between the periods, experiment shows that these 
should be small at first when dealing with new phases of 
subject matter, and should gradually lengthen as the periods 
themselves perhaps decrease in length. Thus, a new topic 
may occupy the whole of Monday's lesson-period, two thirds 
of Tuesday's, one half of Wednesday's, one third of Friday's, 
take one fourth the time the next Monday, be briefly reviewed 
the following Thursday or Friday. 

The facts of retroactive inhibition are of especial value in 
their application to children. In all learning the activity 
of the neurones concerned goes on for some minutes 
after the mind has ceased to engage itself with s iJhlneait& 
that particular subject. This activity tends to give between 
added strength to the connections, and material im- aeshable? 
perfect when it is left gains in perfection by just 
this physiological activity. Any other mental activity 
occurring immediately interferes, of course, with this " set- 
ting " of the associations and therefore weakens them. The 
greater the likeness between the two types of activity the 
greater the interference. In addition to this general fact, 
the peculiar strength of mind's set in children, the difficulty 
they have in breaking away from a train of thought, makes 



140 Psychology of Childhood 

the need for an intermission between periods of mental work 
almost imperative. In the upper grammar grades and in 
the high school, where there is departmental work, this need 
is met by the passing from room to room, but the younger 
children need such a break even more. When a period of 
mental work is followed by one where handwork predominates, 
or singing, or physical exercise, the interference is compara- 
tively slight. Even in this case, the attention may still be ac- 
tively directed and physical movement largely inhibited. The 
best plan with young children is to have a distinct break of some 
kind, an intermission of five or six minutes between periods 
where from the character of the work involved, time is necessary 
for this " setting." This practice will facilitate memory. 

Repetition, concentration, or recall. — Given something to 
learn, it is natural for the child to adopt the method of repeti- 
How should tion in order to fix it. He will repeat the material 
attention be over and over again mechanically, but it is probable 
a juste t k at y g a tt en ti on j s on something else after the 
first few repetitions. This state of affairs obviously results 
in waste of time and energy, also the lesson often remains 
unlearned, ancf bad habits of study are being formed. And 
yet, this is the natural method ; on the surface the easiest. 
Telling a child to " concentrate his attention " has little or 
no effect. Some motive must be supplied, for it is essential 
that children from the beginning learn to work while they 
work. There is no royal road to the accomplishment of this 
end, — ■ so much depends on the individual child ; the teacher's 
ingenuity must find the best means of appeal. To limit the 
number of repetitions allowed for the memorization of the 
poem or the spelling lesson, or to limit the amount of time 
which may be put on a given lesson, are incentives to con- 
centration, and of course an appeal to the instinct of rivalry 
always brings results. No matter what the means used, 
children must be taught to abandon the poorer method in 
favor of the better. 



Memory 141 

In many cases, even repetition with concentration is not 
efficient as a method of learning. In much of the school 
work the object is to get the meaning of the material, and not 
to learn it by rote. This method of repetition and concentra- 
tion emphasizes only serial connections ; there is no oppor- 
tunity to break the material up into meaning units, no en- 
couragement to form cross-associations. The connections 
being formed are not those that will be used when the ma- 
terial is called for. For example, in studying history, a boy 
is making connections between the sensory neurones of his 
eyes, and certain associative neurones aroused by paragraph 
after paragraph as he reads. But in actual classroom work, 
the stimulus will probably be auditory — some question by 
the teacher — which will require a breaking across of all the 
serial connections formed and the selecting of one small fact, 
or relationship. If in his study, the boy has prepared for 
nothing of the kind, his answer will come with hesitation or 
perhaps he will " know it but not be able to say it." He has 
not formed connections in the way in which they will be used. 
The same thing holds when the stimulus is some life situation, 
and the child must recall from within the answer, with no 
sense cue, and no series of related associations as aids. It 
is necessary, therefore, that children be taught how to memo- 
rize, and how to learn. Not only must they learn to concen- 
trate, but in their study they must form the habits of recalling 
from within, of asking themselves questions on the lesson, 
of breaking the material up. There are various aids that a 
teacher may use to encourage such a method of study. A 
common one is the assigning of topics in connection with 
which the material is to be learned. Asking the children 
to find answers to certain questions, to frame questions on 
the text, to make topics, to pick out the most important 
sentences or facts or words, — all these prevent study by 
mere repetition. Even when it is rote memory, experiments 
have shown better results when the study involved recall 
from within as well as repetition and concentration. 



142 Psychology of Childhood 

Whole or part method. — Laboratory experiments have 

shown that the whole method of learning is better than the 

part method in rote memory work, that for instance, 

By what better results are obtained in memorizing a poem if 

method . . n . , . , . , ' , 

shall we it is studied as a whole instead of stanza by stanza. 
adjust the General psychology makes clear the reasons for 

amount to 111 

be learned? this result, and because of these reasons we should 
expect the whole method to be the better for chil- 
dren. In actual school practice, however, serious difficulties 
have been met with in the application of the method. Col- 
vin sums them up under three heads. 1 In the first place, 
children are discouraged because when they spend a given 
period of study on a selection as a whole, at the close of it 
none of the selection is above the memory threshold, they 
seem to have accomplished nothing. In the second place, 
some parts of the material are more difficult to learn than 
others, and therefore it may be that many repetitions of the 
whole memory material are needed for the sake of these few 
difficult passages. In the third place, it is rather hard to 
practice recall when the whole method is used. The younger 
the children the more serious these difficulties become, but 
they are not insurmountable. If the length of the selection 
to be memorized is adapted to the age of the children, and 
they are warned of the first difficulty and incited to work so 
hard that at the end of the second or third period of study they 
will know most of the selection, discouragement then will not 
be serious enough to be a hindrance. Because of the second 
difficulty, it has been found advisable to adopt a combination 
of the whole and part methods. When by the whole method, 
the selection has been well enough learned for the difficult parts 
to stand out, these may be mastered by the part method, and 
a return made to the whole method for a completion of the 
learning. So far as the third difficulty is concerned, the only 
thing to do is to encourage recall by all possible methods. 
1 Colvin, The Learning Process, p. 161. 



Memory 143 

Colvin summarizes a compromise method thus : " Select 
material of reasonable length for one period of study; go 
over it carefully and slowly for purposes of orientation; 
repeat this until the general nature of the material is clearly 
understood, then increase the tempo. Continue to learn by 
the whole method until the majority of the material is raised 
above the threshold of memory. Next, strengthen the weak 
associations; . . . then go over the whole again till it is 
fixed. It is desirable to raise all the elements considerably 
beyond the threshold of memory. During the learning 
period practice recall; also, allow several minutes after the 
actual learning is finished for recalling and fixing the associa- 
tions already formed. . . . Relearn the material on several 
succeeding days." x 

Variation in sense appeal. — Smedley and Pohlmann 2 
have investigated the type of presentation most effective in 
memory work with children ; they agree that com- 
bined appeal is more powerful than appeal through aids to 
any one sense. The order is probably auditory- me ™°jy 
visual-articulatory ; auditory- visual ; auditory- 
visual-hand-motor ; visual or auditory (depending on the 
age). From these results it is evident that writing is not 
always an aid to memorizing. Colvin thinks that it is a 
hindrance up to the sixth grade. After that, the act of writ- 
ing has become mechanical, and it will probably serve as an 
aid. The method of having children in the lower grades write 
their tables or the poem, or the facts in geography as a help to 
memorization is probably wasteful ; but to hear, see, and say 
the material is the best means of impressing it. 

It has been found that rhythm is an aid in learning ; with 
young children the interest in rhythm and the tendency to 
respond in rhythmic terms are instinctive, and therefore strong. 
Not nearly enough use has been made of this original tend- 
ency. The energy here, the interest already provided by the 

1 Colvin, The Learning Process, p. 175. 2 Zeitschrift fur Psychologie, 44. 



144 Psychology of Childhood 

child's nature, has been proved an aid; and yet teachers in 
general neglect it, and use artificial devices to catch the 
attention and insure the fixing of facts. 

OTHER FACTS INFLUENCING MEMORY. — These 
general characteristics of the memory of children have been 
»»«. , i. shown in interesting and concrete form in the 

What makes ° . 

for inaccu- study of testimony and report, which has attracted 
racy in so muc h attention in recent years. The lack of 

memory? . . J . 

capacity which children show in these lines is 
caused not only by their defects of memory, but also by the 
inaccuracies of attention and perception which have already 
been discussed, by the inadequate action of their imaginations, 
and by the fact that they do not tend to put into words what 
they observe. Whipple in summing up the various experi- 
mental results says, " The reports of children are in every 
way inferior to those of adults ; the range is small, the in- 
accuracy large, and, since the assurance is high, the warranted 
assurance and reliability of assurance are both very low. 
During the ages 7 to 18 years, the range, especially the range 
of knowledge, increases as much as 50 per cent, but the ac- 
curacy, save in the deposition, does not increase as rapidly 
(20 per cent). This development of capacity to report is 
not continuous, but is characterized by rapid modification at 
the age of puberty. The one factor that more than any other 
is responsible for the poor reports of children is their excessive 
suggestibility, especially in the years before puberty." l 
Inaccuracy increases with the length of time elapsing between 
the occurrence and the reporting, and with the number of 
times the incident has been described. It is also true that 
a report may be absolutely inaccurate in some of its details 
and accurate in others. 

These facts are of practical value in dealing with children 
in connection with school situations. Both teachers and 
parents must recognize that with the best of intentions, chil- 

1 Op. ciL, p. 306. 



Memory 145 

dren's reports of what happens in the school, on the play- 
ground, and on the streets, cannot be accepted at their face 
value, — and the younger the child the more this is true. 
Much of the trouble arising between parents and school 
authorities could be avoided, if they both could be convinced 
of these facts. It should also be borne in mind that the child 
is often not conscious of falsification, is not lying in any sense 
of the term. Such inaccuracies must occur under certain 
conditions because of the incomplete mental development. 
The parents and teachers themselves gave such inadequate 
and false reports in childhood. The danger of using ques- 
tions with young children to get at the truth of an occurrence 
is also made clear by these investigations. Every question 
contains a suggestion ; and before puberty, when the children 
are so suggestible, it is almost impossible for them to with- 
stand the force of the suggestion offered. This is true not 
only when occurrences requiring discipline are subjected to 
questioning, but when the doings of the child or his family, 
excursions, visits to museums and art galleries, or even the 
material in a textbook, are asked about. Of course, this 
does not mean that questions should never be used; but it 
does mean that the questions should be most carefully framed, 
and that some other means should be resorted to as well, in 
order to make sure of the truth or accuracy of the reports. 

PRESENT STATUS OF MEMORY WORK IN SCHOOL. 
— At the present time, memory work in the school is at a 
discount. In many quarters it is considered " old 
fashioned," and " unpedagogical " to require chil- children be 
dren to memorize, and the work of children re< i uired to 

11-1 i i. ii.i it. memorize? 

in the higher grades and in the high school is 
suffering from just this lack of a foundation of essentials 
in terms of memory. Memory is necessary in all learn- 
ing, as has already been pointed out ; it is also indispensable 
in constructive imagination and thinking of all grades. 
With sense perception it forms the foundation upon which 



146 Psychology of Childhood 

all advanced mental work of a more complex and inventive 
nature must build. Incompleteness or inaccuracy in either 
of these fundamental factors results in serious difficulties 
later. 

The discredit and contumely which is being heaped upon 
memory is due largely to two causes, a realization of its 
limitations, and a reaction against the dead, formal methods 
that used to be employed. There is no doubt that the memory 
training of the past fell short in both of these directions. 
Mere memory work even of the logical type will not prepare 
a child to meet efficiently lif e situations ; but because this 
fact is true, to go to the other extreme, and require little or 
no memorization is absurd ■ — ■ it makes impossible the realiza- 
tion of the very aim in favor of which memory work has been 
discarded. Present-day education, in its desire for inde- 
pendence of thought, originality of belief, and freedom of 
conduct, is in danger of inducing a foolish lack of dependence 
on facts, a cheerful belief in pseudo-originality which ignores 
the achievements of the past, and erratic conduct free from 
coordination by verification, and from automatic regulation. 
We are almost afraid of the word " drill " ; to that extent are 
we open to the criticisms of some of the materialists of our 
world, that the schools simply " amuse " the children. Facts, 
as well as habits of all kinds, must be present in the child's 
mind if he is to make any progress in independent work, and 
this is only accomplished by memorizing, and often by drill. 
This does not mean that the kind of memory appealed to, the 
material that has been selected for memorization, or the 
methods used have been of the best, or that they should be 
adopted. 

Changes in all three of these directions are needed in 
accord with experimental and child psychology. Logical 
and desultory memory need to be assigned their proper spheres, 
and memory of meanings and relationships should receive 
recognition as well as rote memory. The material must be 



Memory 147 

chosen in the light of the results of the transfer of training, 
and of the present needs of the child as well as the ultimate 
aim of education ; the methods used must take into account 
the relation between memory and thinking, and the instincts 
and interests of children of various ages. Above all they 
need to have aroused in them a desire to improve in various 
kinds of memory, and to be given standards by means of 
which such improvement is to be judged. The inadequacies 
and inaccuracies of children's memories have been shown all 
through this chapter, and what they need is not less memory 
training, but more of a different, and more effective kind. 

Questions for Discussion 

1. Given a musical composition memorized in childhood, one in 
the teens, one in the early twenties, which is likely to be most 
easily revived in the thirties ? Why ? 

2. Supposing the methods taken to memorize were equally 
good in each case, who would take longer (or require more repeti- 
tions), a nine-year-old or an adult, to fixate: (a) the spelling of a 
word in a foreign language, (b) a piece of music, (c) a prose para- 
graph of interest ? Why ? 

3. Of a class of twenty-six fifth-grade children, after looking 
at a list of words during ten minutes that they were visible on 
the blackboard, writing each twice, hearing each pronounced and 
spelled anywhere from 7 to 1 5 times, nine made one or more errors 
during a written test. What does this suggest as to (a) any risk 
of overlearning ? (b) probable difference with twenty-six adults? 
(c) methods of memorizing spelling ? 

4. What facts from the psychology of children's memoric:- 
explain why grammar is a difficult study for most of them? 

5. Suggest several reasons for the ability of some people to 
memorize quickly. 

6. What are the advantages and disadvantages of "six weeks 
in astronomy" for a first-year high-school science course? 

7. Illustrate the use of rhythm in helping to fix facts for chil- 
dren. 



148 Psychology of Childhood 

8. Illustrate the method of recall in connection with memorizing 

(a) a foreign vocabulary, 

(b) a piece of prose, 

(c) formulae in trigonometry, algebra, or chemistry, 

(d) the substance of a dozen pages of a history textbook. 

References for Reading 

Colvin, The Learning Process, ch. 11. 

Rusk, Introduction to Experimental Education, ch. 7. 

Whipple, Manual of Mental and Physical Tests, pp. 356-403. 



CHAPTER IX 

IMAGINATION 

ORIGINAL BASIS OF IMAGINATION. — The origi- 
nal roots of imagination are to be found in the wealth of 
fineness of organization of secondary connections, although 
richness of the perceptual associations is necessary as a 
foundation. Free mental images depend, primarily, on the 
development of percepts, and these in turn upon the inter- 
action of the various sense departments with their immediate 
association-connections. The secondary connections allow 
for the recall of the percept in some of its associative setting 
from within, and this is reproductive imagination, or the 
memory image. This is probably as far as animals ever get 
in their imaginings, and, even on this level, being deficient 
both in wealth and activity of secondary connections, they 
are far below man. Productive imagination depends upon 
the fact that because of this fineness of organization, because 
of the multitude of neurones involved in any and every mental 
state, the action may be concerned with elements and parts, 
and not with the state as a whole. Because of this " hair 
trigger " organization one element in a situation may break 
away from the others and build up its own content, giving a 
constructive image or images of the imagination. One other 
factor of original nature enters, and that is the satisfyingness 
of the activity of these secondary connections. The power 
of mental control is in itself a pleasure ; and the mere flow of 
images, coming spontaneously as they often do, is a satisfac- 
tion. Given the nervous equipment necessary for numerous 
clear percepts, the power of imagination of any kind depends 



150 Psychology of Childhood 

primarily on the type of the organization among these higher 
centers ; a defect in wealth of connections, or in delicacy of 
connections, or in the satisfyingness of activity on this level 
will result in a limited power of imagination. So far as the 
possibility of training goes, there is a wide field for endeavor in 
stimulating and directing ; but, as in the case of memory, a fer- 
tile or vivid imagination is a function of the nervous system. 
DIFFERENCES BETWEEN CHILDREN AND ADULTS. 
— The difference between adults and children in imagination 
may be discussed under three heads : differences 
children in kind of images, differences in vividness of images, 
differ from and differences in number of images. 
the kind of In kind of images used. Children visualize 

hTlT theV more ' ~ Jt is P robable tnat in childhood the pro- 
portion of visual images is greater than at any 
other time. This fact, however, which used to be considered 
of great practical importance, is of little value, and this for 
two reasons : first, experimental psychology has shown that 
the type of image depends not on the individual, but on the 
material, on the extent to which purpose is involved, and on 
the presence of difficulties. An individual cannot be classed 
as being of the visual type, for instance, for the reason that 
though when imagining people he may visualize, when his 
images deal with words they may be auditory-motor, when 
flowers are the subject they may be olfactory. Likewise, 
though in passive imagery the visual type may predominate, 
in active imagery some other type may take the lead. The 
old idea that people are divided rather distinctly into " types " 
is being replaced by the opinion that individuals of a fixed 
type are rare, whereas those of the mixed type are the most 
frequent. This is as true of children as it is of adults, even 
though the greater proportion of visual images in childhood 
remains a fact. 

The second reason for the change of attitude regarding the 
importance of imaginative types is found in the fact that 



Imagination 151 

the sense department through which the material is received, 
and that in terms of which it is recalled, need not be the same. 
Thus one may depend on one's eyes for the clearest, most 
effective percepts, and yet in recalling the situation use 
auditory images, as in memorizing music. Or one may listen 
to a description given orally, construct visual images to illus- 
trate it, and recall in terms of those same visual images. Or 
one may learn by making movements, as in dancing or produc- 
ing a certain speaking or singing tone when visual and auditory 
percepts play a secondary part, and the imagery may be al- 
most entirely lacking so far as terms of recall are concerned. 
The old advice to the teacher, to discover what type of imagery 
a child used in his thinking, was given in order that she might 
present perceptual stimuli in corresponding terms ; but since 
the percept and image need not so correspond, the reason for 
the advice does not hold. She no longer must present visual 
stimuli for those who use visual images, nor auditory percepts 
for those who use auditory imagery, and so on. What is 
important, however, is that a sufficient number of varied 
perceptual appeals be made, with strict attention on the part 
of the learner, so that the memory may be good and the re- 
sponse accurate. So far as the imagery is concerned it may be 
present or not, be vivid more or less, may correspond with or 
differ from the percept in kind ; it makes very little difference 
so long as the results reached by the child are correct. The 
presence of one or another type may be of interest in theoretical 
psychology, but has no practical bearing on the kind of per- 
ceptual presentation' used by the teacher for a whole class. 
Occasionally the tendency to a mistake may be traced to the 
form of imagery a child has employed ; for instance, a spelling 
confusion such as " proceed " with " precede " is probably 
due to a lack of visual imagery, and a contraction such as 
" adaption " for " adaptation " to a lack of auditory imagery. 
Children use concrete imagery more. — Another difference 
between children and adults, one which is of much more 



152 Psychology of Childhood 

importance, is that between the object and word type of 
imagery. Experiments seem to prove that children tend to 

think in terms of objects, whereas adults are more 
children use inclined to use words. To a child the thought of 
more verbal a j- ree or a nouse or a book is a picture of the object ; 

the thought of the Pilgrims' Chorus or E-flat is 
the melody or the note. To an adult, the thought of any of 
these is more likely to occur in terms of words, — the actual 
object itself not appearing in consciousness. The value of 
the verbal images as opposed to the object images from the 
standpoint of economy of time and energy, of definiteness 
and accuracy, and Of retention, has been demonstrated in 
all fields. Of course, it is the only type of image available 
in dealing with abstract subjects ; and its efficiency in con- 
structive work, even in the arts and literature, has been 
testified to by workers in each of these fields. 

Training in verbal imagery. — ■ It would seem, then, the 
business of teachers to replace the less effectual object-image 
of children by the much more useful word-image. But 
teachers are prone to object to hurrying this process on the 
ground that the object-image is necessarily fundamental, and 
there is danger that the children will get words without con- 
tent. In the first place, it has yet to be proved that the 
object-image is necessarily fundamental; e.g. smell and 
temperature images are notably rare; in the second place, 
the word-image should get its content not from the inaccurate, 
unreliable object-image, but from direct perceptual experi- 
ence. The word " horse " in a child's thought has meaning 
in proportion as it has been directly connected with sensory 
experiences of the object, not through the mediation of an 
object-image of the animal. To use object images only is 
the mark of an immature mind. They may add a richness of 
color in certain fields of appreciation, and there they should 
be called into play ; but in the field of thought they should 
be replaced as quickly as possible by verbal images. This 



Imagination 153 

practice would mean two things : a broadening of sense 
experience and a direct connection of words with it, and 
more extended and definite training in thinking in terms of 
language. Children's ability to think is conditioned by their 
power to use verbal images, and, as we have seen, this power 
comes slowly. Age helps, but training can do much to give 
meaning to the word images, increase the thinking vocabulary, 
and give control to the manipulation of these images. 

In connection with the extended use by adults of words 
and symbols for all sorts of concrete experiences of varying 
degrees of complexity and richness, has arisen the question 
as to whether the mind in its thinking does not go one step 
further, and think without using images, at least without using 
anything that could be classed under the usual term " image." 
This controversy over " imageless thought " has aroused hot 
discussions, and no one opinion has been accepted by large 
numbers. However, from the standpoint of child psychology 
the dispute offers some practical suggestions. The well- 
trained mind not only replaces object by verbal images, but 
gets on with a minimum of these. Kinaesthetic forms, such 
as a mental gesture with the hands, or a lifting of the eye- 
brows may convey meanings such as clarification or doubtful 
hesitancy. Even without these, the feeling of being at- 
tracted to, or repelled from a certain course of action or line 
of thought, with mere fleeting snatches of phrases, may be 
found to play a large part in logical thinking. 

Now this sort of thinking is worth while for the same 
reason that the word-image is more worth while than the 
object-image ; i.e. it is economical. If so, it is the teacher's 
duty to develop more of this type of wordless thinking in 
children. An analogous type of training is done in connec- 
tion with perception, when one characteristic is enough to 
arouse the full percept, and when children are asked to 
" skim " a paragraph or a book, and get the meaning. They 
are asked by the help of a few of the important words, a feel- 



154 Psychology of Childhood 

ing of the drift of the paragraph, to get the essentials without 
wasting the time to get a clear percept of all the words. In 
thinking we need more of the same kind of training, and it 
can be done only by limiting the time allowed and insisting 
on some kind of answer. To give children several alterna- 
tives and demand a choice with reasons almost immediately 
forces them, simply by the exigencies of the case, to do think- 
ing of the type we have been considering. With the facts 
in hand in history, to prophesy what the ruler, or the congress, 
or the inventor did, without being given time to work out the 
details reduces the verbal images used to mere schema. In 
arithmetic, the plan followed by good teachers of asking the 
children to estimate or " guess " the answer to the problem 
before solving it gives training along this same line. This 
is not the place to discuss the value of this method from the 
standpoint of training children to think ; but any thoughtful 
person must realize that not only are the children getting 
training in the use of efficient tools, but in the process of 
thinking also. Of course, in all this process, care must be 
taken that it is true thinking, and not " guessing " in the 
ordinary use of the term that is taking place. If, however, 
children are required to abide by the choice they have made, 
or to find out what did actually happen, or to check up the 
correct answer with their prophecy, and then be asked for a 
criticism of this forecast, the work will be placed on a safe 
basis, and random, unsupported guessing will be abandoned. 
Characteristics of different periods. — A comparison between 
adults and children as to the difference between them in re- 
productive and productive imagery does not give 
imagination such definite conclusions. Without doubt, the 
change with reproductive is the fundamental and earlier type. 
There is little possibility that children under three 
can use any but this kind, and even after that age the plays 
of the kindergarten and primary school child are largely 
reproductive and imitative. However, from about three to 



Imagination 155 

seven or eight there are definite evidences of creative imagina- 
tion. It is characterized by the fairy-tale element, its dis- 
regard of the possible. It is fantastic, and the flights of 
fancy in which children of this age indulge are comparable 
only to the night dreams of adults. As they grow older, 
between ten and thirteen perhaps, most children become more 
matter of fact. Their productive imagery loses its fanciful 
characteristics and becomes more bound by the laws of the 
possible. The imagery of children of this age is more practi- 
cal, of value as it accomplishes results ; it still has a large 
share in their plays, but it tenr's to be more purposeful. It 
is objective rather than subjective, realistic rather than 
fanciful. During adolescence, a new element is added in 
the intensity of The emotional life of that period. The 
imagery now takes on many of the characteristics of the first 
period, though the content of the imagery is different ; it is no 
longer of the fairy-tale type, but. has to do with the youths' 
and maidens' own doings, ambitions, accomplishments, and 
plans. It is highly subjective, for the adolescents always 
hold the center of the stage in their dreams. The element of 
fancy, and the joy in the imagery for its own sake make it 
like the early period rather than the intermediate one, but 
it may be termed idealistic, since persons and human relation- 
ships are of prime concern rather than mere miraculous oc- 
currences. This is preeminently the age for daydreaming. 
True, it appears earlier, especially with sensitive, lonely chil- 
dren, but at this age almost all indulge in it. Dr. Smith's 
investigation in the " Psychology of Day-Dreams " empha- 
sizes the frequency and the absorbing power of this type of 
mental life. As the period of adolescence passes, the swing 
of the pendulum is again away from the fanciful, emotional 
type of imagination to the practical. The adolescent type now 
passes altogether with most people, though some individuals 
never grow away from it at all ; yet the average adult is so 
pressed upon by the demands of a practical world that his 



156 Psychology of Childhood 

imagery, to fill his need, must measure up to the requirements 
of life. 

Value of productive imagery. — No more need be said 

at this time of the value of the reproductive image. It is 

fundamental, and its function has already been 

live imagery discussed in connection with memory. The pro- 

intrinsicaiiy c i uc tive type, however, offers a new element of the 

valuable? , J ' r . . 

utmost importance. By means of it one is able 
to invent marvels in machinery, or aeroplanes, or costumes ; 
one may revolutionize the world of philosophy, or find the 
cure for all social ills ; one may control the forces of nature 
or convert nations, — one creates new worlds. All thinking, 
all invention, all progress depends on this power of recon- 
structing the old into a new thing. It is then one of the 
most precious abilities of the human race, and should be 
developed and fostered by all the means at the command of 
education. Upon the wealth and fertility of the imaginative 
power man must depend for all the suggestions that will 
make this world other than it is. 

One of the greatest dangers of the present customs in 
education is that this constructive and creative imagination 
What fields w ^l De killed by the pressure brought to bear in 
offer train- the demand for the reproductive. If it is to reach 
productive * ts highest development, it must be given oppor- 
imagina- tunity to develop and material to feed upon, it must 
be stimulated and directed just as is any other 
faculty. The policy of ignoring it or repressing it will not 
produce fruitful results. In the period from four to eight, 
the stories, fairy tales, and myths offer material for chil- 
dren's creative imagination to work on. The}- fill a very 
definite need of children's nature at this time, and should 
certainly be given them. The lack of knowledge of physical 
laws and of the ways of the world, and the tendency towards 
animism make the material offered by the myth and fain- 
tale not only acceptable, but necessary for a full growth. 



Imagination 157 

At no other time in life will this material be as vital or as 
satisfying as at this period. The dangers of overindulging 
the fancy will largely be corrected by the training in sense 
perception and observation that comes at this time. Not 
only should they be given the material to feed the imagina- 
tion, but the tendency to construct which is present should 
be made use of. Children of seven or eight are very willing 
to tell stories drawn from their imaginations, and this will- 
ingness should be encouraged. Not only is opportunity 
offered to develop productive thinking in the realm of fancy, 
but the opportunities for the training in the use of words and 
real language in general are great. 

During the next few years, when in school the emphasis 
is being laid on facts, when children in their own development 
are passing through a period of readjustment, when memory 
power is almost at its maximum and the suggestibility is less 
than before, it comes about that the fanciful element is re- 
placed by a more practical one. This is the time to encourage 
constructive imagination in connection with handwork 
projects, or geography; here is the opportunity to teach 
simple geometry, art structure, and physics. Children are 
willing now to plan and then test their plans by putting them 
into execution. Earlier, they had neither the power nor the 
patience ; later their imaginings are of such a character that 
this sort of thing is almost impossible. Their reading should 
be wide enough to include many models for their continued 
dramatic play. Children of ten to twelve who do not have 
such material as the tale of Robin Hood, Ivanhoe, the Ar- 
thurian legends, experiences of pioneers and explorers, ballads 
and all sorts of historical adventures and scenes to draw from 
as well as the glories of the circus, the mysteries of the ghost 
tale, the interests of the simple industries around them, are 
much to be pitied. 

Possible dangers in adolescent period. — The period 
of adolescence is the most critical in its possibilities and, at 



158 Psychology of Childhood 

the same time, the most difficult to handle. The imaginings 
of adolescents are more absorbing, take more thought and 
energy than at any other time, and may become more vivid 
to them than the real environment in which they are living. 
The importance of getting the practical, constructive imagina- 
tion started well in the period just preceding is partly due to 
the fact that now it may continue to be used to drain off some 
of the energy which might be used in morbid lines. Kept 
healthy by plenty of outside interests, physical exercise, 
companionship, and the satisfying of questions that the 
physical, development of the period must bring into the fore- 
ground of consciousness, the imagination of this time is the 
motive force of ideals, is the root of appreciation of the 
beautiful in art, music, and literature. But it is also true 
that because of the strength of the sex instinct, there is a 
tendency for it to be directed into morbid channels instead of 
developing along healthful lines. " As a man thinketh, so 
is he " is never more true than at this period. Imagination 
allowed to run riot in unknown or forbidden channels first 
stimulates desire, and later incites to action. It is all-im- 
portartt here, as earlier, that the material upon which the 
imagination feeds should be wholesome and suitable. The 
books read in the teens are an immeasurable force in directing 
the imagination. It is useless and wasteful to try to starve 
it out by giving only material of scientific character. Ado- 
lescents should have romance, love stories, adventure, stories 
of reconstruction, and poetry, but they should all be good, — 
good not from the standpoint of the need of the adult, but 
from the standpoint of the need of the adolescent. The 
danger in this age of leading two lives, the outside one with 
which parents and teachers are acquainted, and a very 
different inside one, — not necessarily bad. but egotistic, 
emotional, and imaginative,- -is increased by the sensitive- 
ness of adolescents, and their fear of being laughed at if they 
give the keys of this inner life to any adult. In the sympathy 



Imagination 159 

and understanding of a wise adult, however, lies safety for 
the development of the unstable, intense, imaginative, emo- 
tional life of the teens. Once inside the doors of this reserve, 
the power of the trusted adult to mold and direct is almost 
limitless. So very little is on record of the imaginative life 
of this period that the sympathetic approach must be largely 
an individual matter. The aim must be to keep alive in 
adolescents the belief in their own power, while shifting the 
limelight from their own doings to that of others; to take 
the imaginings from the field of fancy and build them into 
ideals ; to bring about a balance between the inside life and 
the life of conduct ; and at the same time to retain much of 
the fertility and power of the imagination for use in the play- 
time of maturity. 

Differences in vividness of imagery. Resulting confusions. 
— Not only do children and adults differ in the kind of imagery 

which they use, but also in the vividness of that ' 

J rrn . . . .. , . . How do 

imagery. The images of children tend to be more children 

vivid, more intense, than those of adults. So true di ff er f™ m 

, . 1 , . . . , , , . r , ,. , adults in the 

is this that there is a time in the mental life of little vividness 
children when it is difficult, and sometimes impos- °J their n 

.1 ,...,, images? 

sible for them to distinguish between memory 
images and the images of imagination. In some children the 
confusion goes even further, and they cannot distinguish 
between percepts and images. The possibility of this latter 
confusion has been very hard for adults to believe, but since 
the experiments on imagination made under Titchener's 
direction when adults mistook percepts for images, more 
credence has been given to this fact in child psychology. 
Both types of confusion . occur when children are young, 
generally between three and six years of age, and can be ex- 
plained on physiological grounds. The chief difference be- 
tween all three of these mental states is a difference in the 
kind and in the number of associations with each. In the 
early years children have few associations with any of them, 



160 Psychology of Childhood 

and consequently are likely to mistake any one of them for 
either of the others. They lack definite criteria by which 
to judge either the actuality of occurrences or the possibility 
of their fancies ; moreover, their proneness to illusory errors, 
their extreme credulity, their ready suggestibility, combined 
with their newly discovered power of " being a cause," 
mentally make, in very truth, the " wish the father to the 
thought," i.e. the assertion the generator of belief in the fact. 
When through experience children get accustomed to find 
certain sorts of sensory elements present with their percept 
of, say, a dog, they will not so readily mistake an image, 
which lacks these elements, for a percept. Further, the 
knowledge of possibilities which comes with experience will 
help to differentiate these several mental states. For in- 
stance, when a child learns, not by mere telling but by lack 
of sensory elements, that lions do not live under little boys' 
beds, the feeling-of-lion-under-the-bed will be much less real, 
much more readily recognized as an image of the productive 
type. 

Lies. — In young children these confusions may result in 

conduct which, while normal, is certainly questionable. One 

consequence is seen in the so-called " white lies." 

encies in the kind of falsification which makes children tell 

children are sucn j^gr tales of what happened in school, on the 

due to a con- ° x l 

fusion of street, at play, at home. I his has been already 

percepts, spoken of in connection with the lack of accuracy 

images,and in children's reports. Looking back on an imper- 

productive f ec tly observed perceptual experience we all tend 

images? \ x . . L . ' . 

to mix our suppositions of what occurred with what 
actually took place. With retelling, the story grows, par- 
ticularly in the direction of the things we would like to 
have had happen. Little children do all this and more; 
they can escape contemplating any disagreeable part of 
the recollection by " pretending " it didn't happen, or 
they can intensify the excitement by magnifying it. Their 



Imagination 161 

preference, like the veritable fairy wand, so changes the out- 
lines of events and emotions, so colors them that the disguise 
is complete for them and all but impenetrable for the adult. 
Thus, as seven-year-old D — was walking along a road bor- 
dered by a fenced pasture, a mild-mannered cow lifted her 
head and looked at the child, causing a little trepidation. 
D — first told of several cows that came to the fence, later 
that they followed her the length of the fence " roaring," 
later that a bull and lots of cows ran after her while she threw 
stones at them, still later that she had been in the field, was 
chased by a bull and at least fifty cows till she escaped over 
the fence and routed them by pelting with large stones. 

It should be emphasized again that children are not de- 
liberately telling lies, they either really think thus and so 
happened, or dwell so much on what they wish had occurred 
that there comes to be no difference in their minds between 
the world of fact and the world of make-believe. After all, 
this realm of " have it as you wish," this world of play is so 
much the more important and vital to little children that why 
should they not give the adult the benefit of it when he seems 
interested and begins asking questions? Scolding or punish- 
ing for this kind of lying is unfair to the children and does not 
get at the root of the difficulty. They must be taught the 
difference between the real and the fancied without detract- 
ing from the charm of the latter. Of course, the training 
which is taking place at this time in perception will help along 
this line. Requiring children to check up their stories by the 
actual facts when this is possible is the logical way to bring 
home to them the difference. One obstacle in clearing up 
this confusion lies in the fact that so little opportunity is 
given children of using their constructive imagination under 
supervision, so that they do not grow accustomed to labeling 
one kind of thing true, and another false. If parents and 
teachers would ask children to tell make-believe stories and 
happenings, and then to tell " true " ones, and do the same 



1 62 Psychology of Childhood 

themselves, not only would there be built up in the children's 
minds standards by means of which they could judge the real 
and the make-believe, but they would also be having ex- 
perience in judging between the two. Added to this they 
would be having the joy of telling a big story and seeing the 
amazement of the hearers; — both are legitimate delights of 
childhood which, because of the matter-of-fact point of view 
of the adult, are not indulged enough. The romancing of 
little children cannot be ignored because it may become a 
habit and continue when the original cause of it has passed ; 
on the other hand, children cannot be held accountable for a 
confusion, the necessary accompaniment of a certain stage 
of growth, which will gradually disappear as the mental states 
concerned become properly differentiated. 

Night fears. — Another result of the confusion between 
percepts and images is seen in many of the night fears of 
young children. Fears have already been discussed, but it 
must be emphasized at this point that many of these night 
fears are due to the confusion now described. The}- may 
readily believe that there is a giant in the corner of the room, or 
that the witch on her broomstick is coming in at the window. 
Adults little know the terrors children suffer, especially sensi- 
tive, imaginative children. If they would stop to consider 
how they would feel, especially in the dark, if they could not 
distinguish between the world of fact and of fancy, they 
would have a clearer conception of what children must feel. 
One way to prevent this type of fear is not to allow children 
to be frightened. Once thoroughly alarmed, and the child 
will recall and recall the emotion in connection with all sorts 
of things. The need of avoiding material which could serve 
as a center for the emotion is evident. Children should not 
be allowed to hear stories or see moving pictures which have 
present any element of the horrible, or fear-inspiring. In 
this connection it must be remembered that what is " the 
horrible " to a child is not that which is horrible to the adult 



Imagination 163 

because of a difference in content ; likewise what frightens the 
child when it is recalled, is often nothing that frightened at 
the time of telling, or may be nothing frightful in itself. The 
manner of telling the story, the emotional attitude of the 
teller which calls out the same emotional response in the 
children, is often more important than the mere content of 
the story. It is a great temptation to the good story-teller 
to use her power so that her listeners are hanging breathless 
and sometimes trembling on her words. It seems harmless 
enough, the children respond with a shriek of joy as the story 
ends, they may play it all over again in their free time ; but 
at night, alone in the dark, what was thrilling in the daylight 
with companions about may become a source of exquisite 
terror. These facts should be borne in mind both in select- 
ing the myths, fairy tales, and stories which children hear, 
and in the manner of telling them. 

Imaginary companions. — Still a third result of the con- 
fusion of percepts and images is the creation of imaginary 
companions. The presence in a child's life of imaginary 
companions is very much more common than has been sup- 
posed. It is perhaps the continuation of the animistic 
tendency, only now it is an image that is endowed with life. 
These companions usually appear between three and four 
years of age or even earlier, the time when children are ex- 
periencing this confusion between mental states, and the 
time when they are becoming acquainted with their different 
selves. It is usually a lonely child that develops these play 
companions, and they become to him more real than his 
living playmates. The little girl who, when shopping with 
her mother, began to cry violently and could not be comforted 
until her mother discovered that she had sat down on a stool 
upon which the child's imaginary companion was seated so 
that the child was sure she was killed, is an illustration of how 
real such companions are, and also suggests some of the 
difficulties that may arise if this sort of thing is carried too 



164 Psychology of Childhood 

far. Very few children retain these after eight or nine years 
of age, as they gradually fade away under the influence of 
more vital companionship with other children who are con- 
genial. In general the tendency to indulge in these play- 
fellows is harmless ; however, if it is carried to an extreme by 
young children or if it is continued up into adolescence, harm 
may result. Children who play continually with an imaginary 
companion lose all the give and take that comes with living 
children ; they get no training in considering the rights of 
others, nor in cooperation, and it is very easy to form the 
habit of shifting the blame whenever anything goes wrong to 
the shoulders of this imaginary companion. All of this 
hinders the best social and moral development. If the play 
is continued into adolescence there is danger of becoming 
reserved and morbid, and losing the perspective as to real 
values. 

Differences in amount of imagery. — One other difference 
between children and adults in their images is a natural out- 
How do growth of the differences already discussed, and that 
c d h iffer e f" om is the differences as to amount. It is certainly 
adults in true that children have more of the concrete kind 
o/images** °^ i ma gery than adults, and the probability is that 
they have? in total amount they excel the adult. The higher 
types of mental states, the meanings, which are so important 
in thinking, are later in development than the image. The 
adult's thinking is full of feelings of relationship, meanings, 
and judgments, whereas that of the little child is made up 
almost entirely of images. The rich flood of imagery pos- 
sessed by children has its drawbacks. One cannot get very 
far with that type of mental stuff ; the other more subtle and 
far-reaching mental states must be developed. 

DRAMATIZATION. — Two other topics connected with 
the imagination have practical bearings on the development of 
children, viz.: dramatization and symbolism. Dramatiza- 
tion is the working out by the child oi his constructive images 



Imagination 165 

in terms of action. It is not an instinct, but is part of the 
tendency towards general physical activity, and of the law 
of habit whereby ideas that have been connected 
with actions tend to result in actions. That it is YhTlalue 
valuable as a means of development there can be and the risk 
no question, but that there are dangers connected °i ai i^ atl " 
with its misuse is equally clear. Working out a 
constructive image in terms of action necessitates a clearing 
up of hazy parts, a working out of details, thereby making 
the idea more clear and definite. It organizes the imagina- 
tion by developing a perspective, and making clear the need 
of emphasizing essentials. It helps to make clear the differ- 
ence between the imagined and the real. It adds a richness 
to the thought content by its arousal of an emotional back- 
ground. It develops cooperation, initiative, self-confidence, 
and the use of language, and is an aid to memory. All this, 
if properly used, is a means to an end. But too often the 
means becomes the end. The teacher wants a finished 
product, and therefore the planning of details and the work of 
interpretation is hers, if not entirely, at least so much so 
through suggestion, that what might have been of great 
developmental value becomes a trivial performance in which 
an inexcusable amount of time and energy is wasted. Be- 
cause its true function has been lost to sight and presenta- 
tion has become an end in itself, the children who do it best 
are those chosen to do it, instead of the work being given to 
those who need the development in any of the above-men- 
tioned ways. It should also be remembered that the very 
ease with which the emotional element is aroused by drama- 
tization brings with it a danger. An emotion aroused by the 
part a child takes may react unfavorably on his character, 
or he may form the habit of allowing the real emotions,. whose 
function is to inspire conduct, to wear themselves out in 
acting. For the majority of children these are not grave 
dangers ; but if the dramatization is overdone, for the highly 



1 66 Psychology of Childhood 

emotional, sensitive child who has a tendency to act, some 
such effects may be produced. This is especially true if the 
continual urging of the teacher is to " throw yourself into 
your part," " lose yourself in it." To be used effectively, the 
teacher must keep in mind both the function of dramatiza- 
tion in the whole scheme of development, and the nature of 
the children with whom she is dealing. 

SYMBOLISM. — -It has been customary in the conserva- 
tive school of kindergartners to use symbols to teach great 
truths. For instance, the sphere has been used to represent 
unity, and the doctrine has been that the child in playing 
with the ball or sphere must absorb something of that mean- 
ing. All the Froebelian " Gifts " have been regarded in the 
same way. The Mother-plays symbolizing great truths 
must have effect on the child who plays them. The knight 
of the Middle Ages is the symbol for bravery, and in playing 
the plays of the knight the child is supposed to get an ideal 
of bravery, something with meaning. Religious teaching 
is full of examples of the same supposition. This whole 
discussion of imagination should show that such teachings are 
folly, based on lack of understanding of the development of 
a child's mind. Symbols are used only after direct personal 
experience of the thing symbolized, not before. Children 
do not possess abstract truths, nor generalizations ; how then 
could a symbol call them to mind or stand for them? They 
are the product of much teaching and experience, and are 
characteristic of the philosophical adult mind. Even those 
teachers who use such symbols may have themselves but a 
faint glimmering of what the abstractions they stand for really 
are. The parables of the New Testament made no such 
mistake in their appeal to I he hearers as man)- a zealous 
Sunday School teacher does to-day. To use something out- 
ide of a child's experience, something strange and new, in 
order to leach an unknown truth is incomprehensible, he has 
content for neither. Certainly such a use of symbols violates 



Imagination 167 

the law of apperception. Children use symbols only for known 
experiences, and those symbols must be as nearly like the 
thing represented as possible ; that is all that is possible for 
the child mind to grasp. This does not at all mean that such 
material and plays may not have a value ; but if so, that does 
not lie in their power to teach great truths. 

That imagination is valuable is evident, but all kinds are 
not equally valuable, nor valuable for the same purpose. 
The schools must discriminate and cultivate the different 
types at their proper time, and in their proper place. The 
most crying need is for greater emphasis on constructive, 
verbal imagination, for that is the type upon which thinking 
depends ; but at the same time, individual differences must 
not be lost sight of, and a capacity for rich, concrete imagery 
in connection with art and literature should be developed for 
the sake of its appreciative and interpretative value. If it is 
true that " Imagination has the power to alter the face of the 
world, to bridge distance, to annihilate time ; like an alchemist, 
it can transmute, refine, transform ; like the artist it is skilful 
to glorify and to enrich. On the moral side of life, it knows 
how to comfort and encourage, to inspire and control, to 
animate, and to rejoice," then every child in our schools 
needs it trained and developed that he may reap these rich 
benefits. But before this desired end can be reached, teachers 
must recognize its importance for life, and not merely for 
enjoyment, and devote much more time and thought to plans 
for its development. 

Exercises 

1. Collect instances of children's faulty apperception or other 
mistakes that may be due to the particular form of imagery em- 
ployed. 

2. Recall your own adolescent daydreams. Write out a brief 
description. How do they illustrate the points described in this 
chapter? Were they much influenced by books you read, people 
you met ? 



1 68 Psychology of Childhood 

3. Collect illustrations of symbols used in teaching that might 
well be postponed for the reasons here discussed. 

4. Observe for half an hour to an hour each the free play of 
(a) children under seven, (b) children of nine to twelve. Into how 
many of their games does dramatic imagination enter? 

5. Get a six-year-old and a ten-year-old to tell you a story. 
Note whether one is fanciful and the other realistic. 

6. Observe dramatic play of six-year-olds and of ten-year-olds. 
How do they differ in (a) source and kind of material dram- 
atized ? (b) spontaneous use of dialogue ? 

Questions for Discussion 

1. What should be the teacher's aim in calling for dramatiza- 
tion in the first two grades ? 

2. Illustrate the kind of training necessary to help children 
distinguish between fact and fancy. 

3. For what sort of school subjects are concrete images valuable ? 
For what are verbal images preferable? 

4. What school subjects train constructive imagination? Crea- 
tive imagination? 

5. Compare results of exercises 4 and 5, above. What conclu- 
sions do you draw as to changes in imagination with age ? 

References for Reading 

Colvin, The Learning Process, pp. 11 2-1 27. 

Kirkpatrick, The Individual in the Making, pp. 128-138, 146-154, 
189-192, 235-239, 293. 

Daskam, The Madness of Philip a>id Other Stories. 

Hall, Children's Lies. American Journal of Psychology, Vol. 3. 

Smith, The Psychology of Day Dreams. American Journal of Psy- 
chology, Vol. 15. 

(Also in "Aspects of Child Life and Education," collected by Hall.) 



CHAPTER X 
THINKING 

ORIGINAL BASIS OF POWER TO THINK. — Of all the 

various powers that man is heir to, his power of thinking is 
the most important. It is most important because Is thinking 
it explains man's position in the animal scale. Be- the result 
cause of it he reigns supreme in the world of nature, ^0"™™ 
farthest removed from the animal type of mind, ondary con- 
But this difference after all is one of degree rather nectwns 
than kind. Some animals possibly use a thinking process, 
but if they do it is as the flash of summer lightning, gone 
before it accomplishes anything, with nothing to insure its 
return; whereas with man, from infancy up, thinking is a 
common process, one which when cultivated produces the 
wonders of modern philosophy and invention. That man has 
this power is just as much a matter of original nature as that 
he sees or moves. It is just as much dependent on structure 
as seeing is dependent on the presence of an eye and its nerves ; 
but as thinking is more complex than mere seeing, so the 
structures upon which it depends are more complex and 
numerous than are those of the eye. In fact, thinking involves 
and requires the full equipment of the human being. " The 
peculiarly human features of intellect and character, responses 
to elements and symbols, are the result of : first, a receiving 
system that is easily stimulated by the external world bit by 
bit (as by focalized vision and touch with the moving hand), 
as well as in totals composed of various aggregates of these 
bits; second, of an action system of great versatility (as in 
169 



170 Psychology of Childhood 

facial expression, articulation, and the hands' movements) ; 
and third, of a connection-system that includes the connec- 
tions roughly denoted by babbling, manipulation, curiosity, 
and satisfaction at activity, bodily or mental, for its own sake ; 
that is capable of working in great detail, singling out elements 
of situations and parts of responses ; and that allows satis- 
fying and annoying states of affairs to exert great influence 
on their antecedent connections." 1 Because man's original 
nature provides him with power to make secondary connec- 
tions, and to be satisfied when they occur and to be annoyed 
at their absence, he must, as an inevitable consequence, think. 
The delicacy and complexity of the cell structure of the brain 
are shown by the presence in man's original nature of such 
tendencies as vocalization, manipulation, facial expression, 
curiosity, and the action of the secondary connections which 
we call mental control. Given a nervous system which oper- 
ates in small parts and forms numerous associations, then 
definite ideas, as opposed to vague sense impressions, must 
appear. The individual responds to parts of situations, to 
elements and relationships, he comes to feel abstractions, to 
make judgments, and to express such feelings. Thinking, 
then, takes place as a matter of course. 

It develops early. — Thinking is not a characteristic merely 
of the adult human, but it is found in the species as soon as 
these free ideas emerge. As Dewey defines thinking, — "A 
matter of following up and testing the conclusions suggested 
by the facts and events of life," it may be observed in even an 
infant. Noticing that the back and front views of people, 
though so different, yet mean the same person — wondering 
over the appearing and disappearing of objects and people 
behind furniture, through doors, in boxes and drawers, in the 
delightful game of peek-a-boo — puzzling over the meta- 
morphoses of people by clothing — these and many other 
similar daily experiences are stimuli to thought, in the sense 
1 Thorndike, Animal Intelligence, p. 2S1. 



Thinking 171 

of feeling relationships, for a baby under twelve months. 
With the acquisition of language individual feelings of meaning 
are clarified and simple judgments expressed. Many illus- 
trations of even good reasoning may be found in children 
under three years of age. Later, all the life of play and of the 
imagination, the interest in things and in people, the tendency 
to make and collect articles of varied types, the interplay of 
the social instincts, — all of these stimulate and necessitate 
thinking. The difference between children and adults is not 
in the absence in the one and the presence in the other of such 
mental processes as come under the head of thinking, but 
rather a difference in degree ; for both possess the power be- 
cause its roots are found in the original nature of all human 
beings. 

The chief DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE THINKING 
OF ADULTS AND THAT OF CHILDREN may be discussed 
under three heads : differences in amount, differ- In what 
ences in accuracy, and differences in data used. way does 

Children think less than adults do. — It has been jJJSSJ - 
customary to assert that children do not think so differ from 
often as adults, that the amount of thinking done a " s 
by children in a day is less than the amount done by adults in 
the same length of time. This is probably true ; but when one 
realizes what creatures of habit adults are, what slaves to cus- 
tom and tradition, what blind upholders of what is, one won- 
ders how great the difference is after all. Consideration of the 
mental life of the thousands in the factories and mines, of the 
women who are overworked in the home, of the overdriven 
men and women who hold positions in the business world, even 
of college students, forces any observer to the conclusion that 
little, very little thinking is done by the average adult. There 
can be no doubt that a gifted child of six or seven will do many 
times the amount of thinking in a day that many adults do. 
The differences between children of the same age in thinking 
power, and that between adults of the same degree of maturity 



172 Psychology of Childhood 

is probably greater than the difference between children as a 
class and adults. 

Bearing these facts in mind, the first statement that children 
on the average do not think so often as adults, is true. There 
Why do are three principal reasons for this difference. First : 
C h lld kT ^ e character of the adjustments necessary to young 
than do children is predominantly mechanical. They have to 
adults? learn to control the various parts of their bodies, 
to talk, to use the common tools and utensils. Their 
mental life centers largely in the sensory sphere, their conduct 
is controlled by instincts. In the field of imagination, the 
spontaneous, uncontrolled type holds sway. Children must 
possess a fund of free ideas, of percepts and images, of re- 
sponses of conduct, before much thinking, which consists in 
the control and testing of such reactions, is possible. This, 
of course, does not mean that in early childhood there is no 
thinking. It has already been pointed out that children of 
three years of age can and do think, but it does mean that 
much of children's time and energy must be given to acquiring 
the mental stuff necessary to thinking. They must have had 
a certain amount of experience, reached a certain degree of 
adjustment before problems appear, and therefore before think- 
ing is necessary. All along the line from babyhood up, think- 
ing appears in connection with the development of all the 
physical powers and mental abilities ; but the more mature 
the individual, the less should be the amount of unreflective 
consciousness, and the greater should be the preparation for 
thinking. Children think less often than adults partly be- 
cause more of their time has necessarily to be given to mechan- 
ical processes of acquiring material for higher kinds of think- 
ing. 

The second reason for the fact that children think less often 
than do adults, and from an educational point of view a more 
important one, is that the tendency is not stimulated, is even 
inhibited by their environment. Problems are not allowed to 



Thinking 1 73 

arise in the child's world, or if they do they are immediately 
solved by overanxious or careless adults. Toys lost or broken 
are allowed so to remain or are replaced depending on the 
mood or the ability of the adults ; but in how few cases are 
the children allowed, with help, to solve the problem thus 
occasioned? They get no spending money at all, or else 
having some, are told just what to do with it, or are allowed 
to spend it with no guidance. They are told what to do, are 
shown how to do things. They are shielded and protected, 
and made to imitate and conform until the natural spontaneous 
tendency to think is well-nigh killed through disuse. That 
both the power and the inclination to think exist in children 
at an early age is shown by their reactions in free play when 
the overzealous adult is out of the way ; then, in the stimu- 
lating environment of other children or even of their own 
world of fancy, little children see problems and solve them in 
greater abundance than adults dream, unless they have 
watched with the motto, " Hands off." In the slums where 
problems are many, where even the problems of food, shelter, 
and clothing confront the children, they think and think well. 
Wherever the environment presents problems, the frequency 
of reflective consciousness increases. Children think as 
little as they do partly because adults will not give them op- 
, portunity to do it more often. 

A third reason for this lack is the fact that discomfort is 
actually made to follow the exhibition of the tendency. That 
may seem to most people a preposterous statement, but a 
little reflection will prove its truth. Tendencies to think are 
nipped in the bud because they are troublesome to manage, 
Consider the hundreds of questions normal, healthy children 
of four will ask in a day with the effect that before long the 
adults, having reached their limit of knowledge, or of nervous 
energy, tell the children to stop asking questions, or to keep 
quiet ; with the result that not only do most children stop 
asking questions, but they also stop thinking questions. Of 



174 Psychology of Childhood 

course, it is true that sometimes children ask questions with- 
out either expecting or wanting answers merely to hold the 
adult's attention if possible ; but this happens comparatively 
seldom with most children, and can easily be discouraged. 
It is no easy task to answer a child's questions, and a still 
more difficult one to answer them in such a way that thought 
is stimulated still further ; and yet not to do so is to inhibit 
one of the most necessary phases in the development of a 
thoughtful man or woman. 

Not only is the asking of questions discouraged, but chil- 
dren's attempts to think things out for themselves are often 
greeted with shouts of laughter by older members of the 
family, and are repeated to others in the children's presence 
with such exclamations, as, " Is not that funny? " " How do 
you suppose she ever got that idea?" " How do children get 
such queer notions ? " The effect of such an attitude on sen- 
sitive children is disastrous. To have their honest attempts 
to answer the questions experience puts to them held up to 
ridicule, or even commented on and exclaimed over, takes 
away their self-confidence ; children soon give up such at- 
tempts, and simply sink back with an " I don't know," or 
come to depend absolutely on adults, or later on books, for 
the answers which at one time they were ready and anxious 
to try to find for themselves. 

A little later, when they are old enough to attempt experi- 
ment at manipulation of things, their efforts meet the same 
kind of discouragement. Of course many of the experiments 
turn out wrong, bringing results that the children had not 
dreamed of; they, in consequence, are considered " naughty " 
and " troublesome." The children of a surgeon who. hearing 
much of operations of all kinds, cut open the hens, emptied 
their crops and carefully sewed them up again to see if they 
would live, would in most cases receive such a punishment 
that all desire for experiment would be absolutely killed. 
The actions of the child who tears up the cushion to see if 



i75 

there are real feathers inside, or who sets the water jug out- 
of-doors in zero weather to see if the water will freeze and 
crack it, or who tries to walk backwards downstairs and gets 
a bad fall, or who takes the clock apart to see if he can put it 
together again, — these, and hundreds of other honest at- 
tempts to test knowledge and power, are condemned by the 
shortsighted adult as deliberate mischief making, and punish- 
ment is meted out to the investigator. And how the average 
teacher dreads the " original," " curious " child — the one 
who always has another question to ask, or who always has 
another way to suggest, or who is always popping up in un- 
expected circumstances. Yet these are the very signs of the 
characteristic which in theory we are striving to cultivate — 
independent thinking power. No, in practice it is the unob- 
trusive, quiet child, who " stays put," who receives with ready 
mind all that is given him and never objects, who does what 
is expected of him in the usual way, — he it is who gets the 
rewards ; and consequently the large majority of children 
soon moderate in their zeal to do and to think, for it is human 
nature to take the road that brings least discomfort. Thus 
they become little imitators, nothing more than passive ves- 
sels into which the adult complacently pours whatever he 
thinks needful. Later the adult stupidly wonders at the lack 
of originality and reflective power which they show. 

The effect of this attitude of adults may easily be seen when 
one compares the expressiveness and alertness, the eagerness 
to do and to think of kindergarten children with the passivity 
and indifference of many early grammar grade children, 
especially those drilled rigidly in parochial schools. Is it any 
wonder that children do not think so often as do adults with 
lack of opportunity, discouragement, and sometimes actual 
discomfort following upon their attempts? A change in these 
conditions always results in increased frequency of reflective 
activity in childhood, and therefore gives greater promise of 
power in later years. Habits formed now are far-reaching 



176 Psychology of Childhood 

in their effects ; and if because of inhibition by factors in the 
environment the natural tendency to thjzik is replaced by a 
tendency to depend on others, it is extremely difficult in later 
years to call it into activity. j/ 

Children's thinking is inaccurate. — The second great dif- 
ference between the thinking of children and that of adults 
is in the accuracy of the results. Children are 

What are , . . 

the main more likely to make mistakes, to reach incorrect 

rea sons for conclusions than adults are. 

thinking There are several reasons why this must neces- 

beingin- sarily be so. In the first place, their supply of 

accurate? * . , . 

facts is not adequate. Children lack experience, 
they do not possess much of the knowledge adults have, and 
therefore, when they try to think things out, although their 
thinking processes may be perfect, their conclusions may be 
incorrect because the crucial fact, the one upon which the 
solution hangs, is missing. The child who vigorously tugged 
at his mother's hair, and when expostulated with said it did 
not hurt dolly, lacked the knowledge of the difference between 
people and dolls. Time and time again the thinking of chil- 
dren in arithmetic, geography, and the other school subjects 
is inaccurate, simply because of the lack of data. Without 
facts and experience thinking is impossible, and the larger 
the amount of data the greater the possibilities of thinking. 

In the second place, the material tliey do possess is apt to be 
inaccurate. The tendency of children to be careless and in- 
accurate in their observations was pointed out in connection 
with the development of perception. Thus the material 
which children do possess, the premises from which they 
reason are often false or incorrect, and therefore when these 
are used in their thinking of course incorrect conclusions are 
unescapable. Further, the form in which children's expe- 
rience and knowledge exist is conducive to inaccuracy. The 
mental states thai develop first arc chiefly affective states, 
crude sensations, percepts, reproductive object images, a few 



Thinking 177 

objective feelings of relationship, and thinking cannot be 
carried very far using mental states of these types. Of 
course, children are not absolutely lacking in other states, 
but these develop slowly, and meanwhile their thinking is 
inaccurate. Feelings of meaning, especially abstractions 
and concepts whereby one may substitute for the total state 
the reaction toward one quality, or the concept standing for 
hundreds of gross sensory experiences ; feelings of logical re- 
lationships, that is, of cause and effect, of coordination, or 
subordination, of concession and so on ; constructive and 
verbal images whereby one may foresee the outcome of the 
present or plan for the future ; judgments of the explicit type 
which, replacing the unreliable image, are more permanent 
and at the same time show reflective results, — ■ all these are 
necessary before thinking can be carried far, and to successful 
conclusions. These in children are imperfect, undeveloped, 
the very thinking itself is necessary to develop them ; and so 
long as this is true their thinking must be inaccurate, for the 
tools with which they are working are not adapted to the use 
to which they are putting them. They are not reliable 
enough, nor are they all of the kind to carry on the process 
of thinking efficiently. 

In the third place, the character of children's attention makes 
accurate thinking difficult. Thinking requires that the prob- 
lem be held clearly in mind, and that the material offered be 
accepted or rejected in accordance with its bearing on the 
question at hand. Now this selective activity requires con- 
centrated, sustained attention to ideals. Children's atten- 
tion, as has already been noted, tends to lack in concentration 
and to be easily distracted ; and these characteristics are the 
more marked when the attention is given not to perceptual 
objects but to ideas. Children may have all the data neces- 
sary to solve a given problem and have it in the most usable 
form, and yet reach an incorrect solution merely because they 
could not hold attention to the question long enough and 



178 Psychology of Childhood 

clearly enough to make use of what they have. How often 
it is true that a teacher finds that after a few minutes of work 
some of the children have absolutely lost sight of the problem, 
and are going along in a haphazard way with, of course, the 
inevitable result, — a wrong answer. This inability of chil- 
dren to keep their attention to the point in question is illus- 
trated by their tendency to take the first idea that offers 
itself irrespective of its bearing on the problem. Children 
asked to define or describe objects which they know perfectly 
well will give answers such as the following : "A hen is some- 
times black." " A box is what I like." " A policeman is 
my father." So long as this tendency is strong in children, 
their thinking must be correspondingly inaccurate. 

In the fourth place, this last tendency involves more danger 
in accuracy from the fact of the lack of systematization of a 
child's mental life. For an adult to take the first idea offered, 
due to lack of sustained attention to the problem, might not 
lead him far astray because his ideas on each subject tend to 
run in systems, to be more or less closely connected by logical 
relationship ; but with children this is not so. Such an or- 
ganization comes only as a result of experience and of trained 
thinking; and both of these prerequisites children lack. 
Their mental life is in a chaotic condition, the connecting 
element between ideas being mere propinquity, or a super- 
ficial likeness, even a verbal resemblance. In thinking out 
the problem — ■ Wiry is New York harbor a good one ? — adults 
might not go far afield if they took the first idea that pre- 
sented itself, because the conditions and requirements of good 
harbors tend to be associated about the topic, and therefore 
any path chosen would be likely to lead to fruitful results. 
Children, on the contrary, lacking such orderly arrangement 
and following the same tendency, might come to some con- 
clusion that had absolutely nothing to do with the problem 
such as: " Because it has the Statue of Liberty." " Because 
the Hudson and the East Rivers empty into it." " Because 



Thinking 179 

all the vessels of the Hudson and Fulton celebration anchored 
in it." Lack of systematization is one handicap to the cor- 
rect solution of problems, and this is necessarily character- 
istic of the immature mind. 

In the fifth place, the type of association characteristic of 
children is much like that of the lower animals, viz. : associa- 
tion of wholes. The mind works coarsely in whole situations, 
and therefore discrimination and analysis are difficult. James' 
illustration of the child who knew " vertical " only when his 
father held a pencil in that position because a pencil had been 
used in the teaching of the word, is a case in point. Children, 
and adults too for that matter, who can answer a question 
correctly when asked in a certain way but fail if it is framed a 
little differently, are responding to the whole situation, in- 
stead of to the important element in it. Mental activity 
that is organized in such rudimentary, undifferentiated fashion 
can go but a little way toward solving a problem. That type 
of activity will never respond to meanings irrespective of their 
carriers, nor to elements irrespective of the situations in which 
they may be found, nor to relationships irrespective of the 
particular wholes between which they may at present exist. 
And thinking requires all tins. It is the " piece-meal " activ- 
ity, the activity involving small parts of an associative system, 
that makes thinking possible. So long as the coarser form of 
association predominates thinking must be equally crude ; 
only when because of age, experience, and training, the subtler 
and finer form of association becomes more pronounced can 
thinking be carried on accurately. 

In the sixth place, children lack a critical attitude, and hence 
often go astray in their thinking. This lack of criticism works 
in two ways : because of it, children accept some minor, un- 
important element as the essential one in the problem, and 
also they fail to weigh and test their results. In most think- 
ing, the key to the problem depends upon the substitution of 
some part, element, or aspect of the situation for the whole 



180 Psychology of Childhood 

situation. The element selected will, of course, determine 
the course of association, and therefore the answer. To pick 
out the right element from among the many offered requires 
keen discrimination, a valuing of the element from the stand- 
point of the problem ; in short, it requires a critical weighing 
of the respective merits of all the possibilities offered. This 
children do not do, partly because from lack of experience 
with the various elements of the material offered they do not 
know which is the essential condition, but also partly because 
they have not the attitude of criticism towards what is offered. 
The child who, having been accustomed to hearing stories 
told her at bedtime, asks to be put to bed in the morning, in 
order to have stories told, is a case in point. An ummportant 
element is selected as the essential one, and hence the result 
of the thinking is incorrect. The same defect is illustrated 
by children who, having been taught addition by the use of 
shoe-pegs, and subtraction by the use of beans, always added 
when shoe-pegs were given, and subtracted when beans were 
distributed, irrespective of what the problem called for. This 
lack of a critical attitude towards the element selected is not 
by any means confined to children ; it is manifested by adults 
again and again, in fact, is one of the chief reasons for defec- 
tive thinking whenever found. However, simply because of 
the lack of experience and training, as well as because of the 
type of association found in children, they show it to a more 
marked degree than do adults. This lack of a critical attitude 
is manifested again in the attitude of children towards their 
results. They tend to accept them without any further con- 
sideration, whereas an inspection of the result in the light of 
the problem, or testing of the result to see if it would work, 
would often show that it could not possibly be correct. Older 
children and adults, because they are more critical, save 
themselves from accepting something totally wrong as the 
right solution ; but this tendency is not characteristic of the 
child mind. 



Thinking 181 

These six reasons for inaccurate thinking on the part of 
children overlap in several instances. They are interrelated 
so that defective action of one type often involves others ; 
however, they are more or less independent causes of mistakes, 
and in training each one must be reckoned with. This dis- 
cussion of the defects in children's thinking bears out the 
statement made earlier, viz. : that thinking is a complex opera- 
tion involving practically all the types of mental states and 
processes. As it is the capstone of man's power, both intel- 
lectual and moral, any weakness of the simpler parts is a 
structural defect. Incomplete or inaccurate perception, de- 
fective memory, poor habits of attention, lack of develop- 
ment of the more effective types of imagery, ■ — all these have 
their effect on thinking, making it more difficult and causing 
inaccuracies. If the whole fair palace is to be steady, the 
foundation must be well laid and the materials sound. 

Children's problems are different. Triviality is a relative 
term. — Another difference between children and adults in 
their thinking is in the character of data used. 
In adult life, thinking is done in connection with Ynces^n^' 
problems that have a direct bearing on the well- stimuli are 
being of the individual, or his family, or the com- ^H^' 
munity at large. It is in connection with business adults' and 
problems, or questions of politics, or religion, or JJjJJjJJ 
social conditions, that adults are called upon to 
think. The results of this thinking are fairly evident and very 
often valuable in a practical way. We make this adjustment, 
are successful in this way or that, get along in the world, deal 
with people, propound a new theory, suggest means for social 
betterment, publish a book, or perfect an invention, and in 
each case, something of value from the standpoint of the world 
at large is accomplished. In childhood all this is different. 
Children's thinking is done largely in connection with their 
play ; their little problems are often unknown to adults or 
thought to be trivial and pointless if known. They apparently 



1 82 Psychology of Childhood 

accomplish nothing worth noticing as a result of their thinking. 
Of what account is it that a child, as a result of his own think- 
ing, has found out the quickest way to get dressed in the morn- 
ing, or how he can beat Johnny in getting to school, or how the 
doll's eyes work, or which is the best spot to fish in? The 
average adult ignores all such thinking as not worthy of the 
name. This is but another of the countless instances of the 
unfairness and shortsightedness of adults in dealing with 
children, when they consider worthless any data, processes, 
and results that are unworthy of adult thinking. Of course 
such an attitude is manifestly unfair. Children cannot be 
judged by the same standards as adults in any sphere of 
thought or conduct. Thinking of the type illustrated is 
just as valuable, just as significant, just as difficult for 
the child as the more abstract and complex variety is for 
the adult. 

No abrupt change at adolescence. — The fact that much of 
the childish thinking has been ignored because of the triviality 
of the situations occasioning it is one origin for the theory 
that at adolescence comes an awakening of the thinking powers. 
Childhood has been designated as the unreflective period, 
and adolescence talked of as if at thirteen or fourteen thinking 
power and reasoning suddenly developed. The truth of the 
matter probably is, that in the adolescent period the problems 
dealt with are similar to the problems confronting the adult, 
and therefore receive recognition. There is no experimental 
evidence to show that there is a sudden birth of thinking 
power at this time. In fact, all the evidence goes to show 
that it is a gradual development beginning in early childhood, 
and continuing to maturity, — not necessarily a regular 
growth, but a continuous one. Another reason for the preva- 
lence of the theory is that in the adolescent period, because of 
the aggressiveness of youth, more freedom is allowed, and 
therefore more opportunities for problems arise with the re- 
sulting attempt at solution. The difference in actual power 



Thinking 183 

between the little child and the youth is thus exaggerated 
by environmental conditions. 

NEED OF TRAINING IN THINKING. — To say that 
children need training in thinking is superfluous. Nothing is 
more discussed in pedagogical literature to-day 
than this need. Teachers are exhorted on all sides training in 
to make children think. Despite all of this dis- reasoning 

.. . , , , . involve? 

cussion, little progress has been made in meeting 
this need, little has been accomplished in developing ability 
to meet life's problems and solve them successfully. Progress 
in this field must necessarily be slow for several reasons : the 
limitation of the individual because of lack of natural endow- 
ment shows particularly here, the complexity and delicacy 
of the process involved requiring not only power on the part 
of the learner, but great skill on the part of the teacher ; the 
organization of the school itself makes this sort of develop- 
ment difficult ; lack of knowledge of child nature is a serious 
handicap. Only when the child's power is fully recognized 
and made use of at the different stages, and when the difficul- 
ties in frequency and accuracy of thinking are known, and 
when teaching is definitely planned to overcome them, will 
training in thinking accomplish the results that are desired 
by society. The lines this training should take are, as has 
been suggested, to see that children do meet problems, that 
we refrain from doing for them what they may be encouraged 
to do for themselves. Which is worse, the effect of the of- 
ficious adult on the child's ability or the effect of the meddle- 
some child on the adult's temper? -"Then, from sympathy 
with children's need for knowledge, to answer their questions 
simply, truthfully, yet tentatively, as a stimulus rather than 
a check to further thought. More, their investigations must 
be regarded not as malicious offenses but as, possibly mis- 
guided, laboratory experiments. Space and safeguarded 
opportunities for activities are needed more than reprimands 
or penalties. Then, copious fact-giving, together with the 



184 Psychology of Childhood 

scope for varied and immediate contact with things, in them- 
selves supply a greater range and accuracy of data from which 
to reason along higher lines ; but especially when dealing with 
abstract problems, assistance must be given in the form of 
constant reminders of the point at issue, suggestions for system- 
atizing ideas, criticisms of the relevancy of thoughts as they 
occur. Drill will be needed in analysis, in picking out the sig- 
nificant part of the whole situation, in testing the results 
of thinking, especially in forming the habit of supporting 
conclusions by stating explicitly the premises from which they 
are derived. Further, we must not only present problems of 
interest to children, but realize that results which are trivial 
to us are dignified and worthy to them. 

Exercises 

1. Collect instances of thinking and reasoning of children. 

2. From the instances collected, explain any inaccuracies by 
one of the six causes discussed in this chapter. 

3. Classify the examples given below, in similar fashion. (The 
first 14 are taken from Brown's " Study of Children's Reasoning," 
in Ped. Sem., Vol. II.) 

A. Age 1 yr. 8 mo. After visiting a bald grandfather, child re- 
named a doll whose hair had come off "Grandpa." 

B. 2 yr. 8 mo. F. saw the moon when it was full, later in its 
first quarter, thought her little brother had been meddling with it. 

C. 3 yr. G. planted a dime in the garden expecting to be rich 
when it grew. 

D. 3 yr. When H.'s father overslept one day she asked if it 
was Sunday morning. 

E. 3 yr. 8 mo. L. criticized her aunt's method of darning, "Oo 
ain't darnin' . . . right at all ; my mamma puts 'em on a darner." 

F. 4 yr. "I would like to go out in the rain and get bigger, 
'cause the rain makes you grow." 

G. 5 yr. On seeing a crooked tree, "See that tree sitting down." 
H. 5 yr. 8 mo. Referring to the ownership of gray eyes, "Von 

are getting to be an old woman." 



Thinking 185 

I. 5 yr. B. heard the noise of frying pork and simultaneously the 
cat crying, and reported later that they were frying the cat's tail. 

J. 7 yr. E. turned over the picture of a girl " to see if her dress 
was buttoned in the back." 

K. 7 yr. 8 mo. X. watching black smoke rising from a mill 
chimney stack said it would rain next day, for "black smoke 
makes black clouds, and that's the ones that rains." 

L. 9 yr. Bethlehem is judged near the equator, because the 
mother is pictured wearing a lace dress, which would be worn 
only where it is hot. 

M. 10 yr. 9 mo. Child thought it would be colder riding than 
walking "because you are higher up in the air." 

N. 12 yr. 3 mo. F. buried his kitten in a very shallow grave 
because he had heard that cats have nine lives and "if his cat 
came to life he didn't want it to smother." 

0. Children under five will either inquire if it will hurt their 
dolls to treat them in various ways, e.g. stick pins into them, 
leave them out in the cold ; or are convinced that their dolls think, 
feel as they themselves do. 

P. Children even of kindergarten age may ask such questions 
as "When I'm big will mother be small?" Myers' boy asked, 
"When I was a big boy where did Daddy come from ? " 

Q. Myers' boy at 3 saw the wagon wet and concluded it must 
have rained. 

4. What is the value of exercises such as the following for children 
in the fourth, fifth, and sixth grades? (They are taken from 
Bonser's monograph on " The Reasoning Ability of Children.") 

Directions. As quickly as you can, make these sentences cor- 
rect by drawing a line through the wrong word where two words 
occur, one above the other. 

Iron is , , than wood, 
harder 

Shadows are , in summer than in winter, 

longer 

Anything that floats is ,. , than water. 



Oranges are , sweet than lemons. 



1 86 Psychology of Childhood 

Among these reasons why horses are better than cattle for driv- 
ing and working animals, check those which you think are good 
reasons. 

i. Horses are more intelligent than cattle. 

2. Cattle are not so tall as horses. 

3. Horses like corn, oats, and hay. 

4. Horses are much more active and walk faster than cattle. 

5. Cattle are extensively used for food. 

6. Horses are much more beautiful and graceful than cattle. 

7. The skins of horses are sometimes made into gloves. 

8. Horses are more easily trained and controlled than cattle. 

9. President Roosevelt likes to ride on horseback. 

10. Horses have more rapid and varied gaits than cattle. 

Questions for Discussion 

1. What school subjects offer most constant opportunities for 
training in reasoning? 

2. What special training value for thinking is there in the con- 
structive activities of manual training, garment making, cookery, 
shop-work, etc.? 

3. How may training in reasoning be made of moral value? 

4. What means of verification should children be trained to use? 

5. What habits need to be formed in connection with reasoning ? 

6. Why is it more difficult to teach pupils to think than to teach 
them to memorize? 

References for Reading 

Dewey, How We Think. 
Bonser, The Reasoning Ability of Children. 
Miller, The Psychology of Thinking, chs. 10, 14. 
Sully, Studies of Childhood. 



CHAPTER XI 

GENERAL TENDENCIES OF ALL THE TENDENCIES,— 
HABIT AND LEARNING 

PLASTICITY THE PHYSIOLOGICAL BASIS OF 
HABIT-FORMING. — So far the topics under considera- 
tion have been definite tendencies to action, to For what 
feeling, and to thought. They have been par- ™ a *° n ls 
ticular bonds between situations and responses, forming 
These bonds have been in terms of neurone-systems P° sslble? 
the synapses between which were open as a matter of 
natural equipment. But these bonds by means of which 
a man is sensitive, or acts, or thinks, have themselves cer- 
tain tendencies or characteristics, the most important of 
which is that one which results in permanent modification, 
known as learning, or habit.; This characteristic has been 
generally called " plasticity." Man above all other animals 
possesses this something, and children are characterized by 
it to an extreme degree. Plasticity means the power of 
neurones to be sensitive to what happens to them, and to be 
changed permanently thereby. Of course, it is the synapses, 
in particular that are so affected. This fact of the plasticity 
of the connections, together with the richness both as to 
number and variety of man's original equipment, accounts 
for his supremacy over all animals in power to learn. If 
either factor were less perfect than it is, there would result 
decreased educability. A lessening of the richness and 
complexity of the responses grouped under such heads as 
manipulation, vocalization, attention, mental control, would 
enormously change his power of learning; if the synapses 
187 



1 88 Psychology of Childhood 

were less sensitive to currents passing over them, or were less 
permanently affected by them, the same result would ensue. 
Both the definite bonds and plasticity of such bonds are 
necessary to explain the difference between man and the 
lower animals in respect to learning ; for learning has always 
to do with the modification of some definite response of 
thought, feeling, or action. 

Variation in plasticity. — Three questions arise in con- 
nection with this characteristic of plasticity : (i) are all bonds 
equally modifiable? (2) is this plasticity equal at all ages? 
(3) are some bonds more open to modification at certain ages 
than at others? Taking these three questions in order, all 
bonds are not equally modifiable ; those controlling the 
physiological and reflex operations are but slightly modifiable. 
Among the so-called instincts such responses as those con- 
nected with fear, food-getting, and mastery are less modifiable 
than those connected with vocalization, manipulation, and 
attention ; but all in this group are more modifiable than 
those in the first group. The bonds having to do with the 
secondary connections and capacities are most modifiable. 
With regard to permanence of the modification, it seems 
probable that those bonds made up of sensori-motor con- 
nections hold the effects of modification longer than those 
connections which are sensori-associative, or associative- 
associative. In other words, learning which results in such 
habits as skating, cricketing, sewing, piano playing, type- 
writing, will probably be more permanent than learning which 
results in memory of historical facts, or poetry, knowledge 
of geometry, or linguistic skill. 

Age differences in plasticity. — Plasticity is not equal at 
all ages ; childhood is the most plastic period. The discus- 
sion of the retentive power in children is an illustration of 
this point. Much has been made of this fact, and the value 
of infancy from the standpoint of development of intelligence 
has received much attention. Without doubt all that has 



General Tendencies, Habit and Learning 189 

been urged for it is true, but on the other hand, the resulting 
implication, and in some cases doctrine, that habits can be 
formed only with difficulty after one is twenty-five and only 
as a miracle after thirty-five, is untrue to the facts. In the 
laboratory experiments with adults when the conditions 
were the best, modification was always noted, and in some 
cases very great improvement took place. Of course, there 
are all sorts of individual differences here as elsewhere, but 
the facts seem to point to a much longer period of learning 
than has commonly been accepted. 

Periods of greater plasticity. — In the third place, as a 
matter of mere inner growth, it seems to be true that certain 
neurone-systems are more susceptible of modification at 
certain times than at others. It is a generally accepted fact 
that the finger dexterity and suppleness required in musical 
technique must be acquired in childhood ; accent in speak- 
ing another language is much more easily acquired in child- 
hood than later, also the skill of the acrobat or tumbler must 
be developed during the early years. These and many other 
facts point to the conclusion that has experimental backing, 
i.e. that physical learning comes most easily in early child- 
hood. The " memory period " is believed by many to be 
between ten and twelve when modification of certain second- 
ary connections takes place most easily, leaving the more 
complex habits of thought for the years of puberty and be- 
yond. No one of these periods is sharply divided from the 
other, and modification along all lines is going on during each 
of the periods, but the rate of modification varies as has been 
indicated. 

Suggestions for training. — These facts have important 
practical bearings. The great plasticity of the period of 
infancy and early childhood must result in the formation 
of habits. Whether the parents know it or not, whether the 
teacher realizes it or not, the very nature of the child's nerv- 
ous system necessitates learning. It is affected by all that 



190 Psychology of Childhood 

happens to it, and something is happening every minute of 
the day. The environment of the young child is one of the 
most important influences in his education. Be- 
trainingof caus e of the force of reflex imitation working with 
very little this f actor of plasticity, the emotional attitudes of 
'important? those by whom he is surrounded leave their im- 
press on the child before he has lived thirty 
months. His disposition is being formed ; he is becoming 
irritable, quick-tempered, moody, or sunny and cheerful, 
just which, however, being determined to a larger extent than 
people realize by the natures of the adults surrounding him, — 
and this all unconscious to himself, simply as a result of the 
modinability of his neurones. In the field of morals and 
manners, the same element makes itself felt. The old adage 
— " Let a child run until he is six and you never catch him " — 
is a recognition of the far-reaching effects of the habits formed 
in this period. 

It was noted above that not only is the plasticity greatest in 
early childhood, but that it is greater in lines of muscular 
habits than it will ever be again, and further, that sensori- 
motor bonds are retained longer than any other kind ; there- 
fore, without any doubt, the years before nine are preeminently 
the ones in which to establish good physical habits. The 
hygienic habits of eating and sleeping at regular periods, of 
evacuation; habits of cleanliness and tidiness ; habits of pos- 
ture, carriage of the body, and of walking ; habits of language, 
both of the mother tongue and modern languages ; habits of 
the use of tools and implements, — this is the period when all 
such are formed. If the habits are good, the child has made 
a splendid beginning in the race of life, he has capital the 
benefit of which he will feci as the years pass; if the habits 
are bad ones, just the reverse will be true, and it must be one 
or the other. Children in these early years cannot help 
forming habits; for, as has been said before, it is the nature 
of their nervous systems to he modifiable. 



General Tendencies, Habit and Learning 191 

LAWS OF HABIT-FORMING. — General psychology 
lays down two great laws of habit-formation, the law of 
Exercise, and the law of Effect. These laws cover 
all sorts of cases of habit-formation from the more the laws 
unconscious, childish forms to the later, purposive of habit 
habits. Each law has derivatives, or corollaries. 
Exercise involves also the intensity and duration of responses, 
as well as the way they are grouped together in time ; effect 
is modified by the degree of attention paid to situation and 
response and by the recency of the formation of the bonds. 
Continued exercise frequently depends upon the effect of the 
first response made. 1 

It is sometimes surprising to adults to find how much 
effect in the way of pleasant consequences will outweigh 
mere frequency with children. They will affirm " We always 
do this " or " We have it so and so " when perhaps a process 
has occurred only once or twice, but with results which were 
satisfying, therefore pleasant to remember, probably idealized. 
On the other hand, not lack of repetition but frequency it- 
self may be ignored by children when their attention is fixed 
on the pleasurable effect, as is illustrated by the ecstatic 
exclamation of " Oh, pie ! " or " Ice-cream to-day ! " to the 
embarrassment of the mother in presence of visitors, though 
these viands are by no means rare. Equally arresting is 
it to find sometimes that even very unpleasant results will 
not deter a very strong impulse from starting to develop into 
a habit. Thus a four-year-old child persisted in attempts 
to reach some attractive wild flowers though he fell three 
times in the course of one day into a deep ditch full of water, 
and was chastised each time. Boys continue in physical 
combat in spite of the pain it entails. Teachers must allow 
for the intense, yet short-lived emotions of childhood when 

1 For a discussion of these laws see any standard text, e.g. Colvin, The 
Learning Process, pp. 149-154. Thorndike, Psychology of Learning, Intro- 
duction. 



192 Psychology of Childhood 

seeking for suitable motives to supply, and for satisfying 
results to be brought about so that they are felt in direct 
connection with the desired response. Also, in cases of 
exercise of undesirable tendencies in spite of disagreeable 
effects, the situation should be analyzed further, and counter 
attractions set up. 

From these two general laws two practical precepts have 
been evolved: " Form habits as they will be used," and 

" Reward good impulses." These seem almost too 
ing%in- Ch ~ °b v io us to merit discussion ; yet it is true that no 
dpiesdo laws or precepts are more often overlooked in deal- 
l suggest? S ' m & w ^ children than just these. For example, 

though habits come only by repetition and exercise 
of the learner's own nerves and muscles, yet many parents 
and teachers seem to expect them to come by magic. Of 
course they would not admit this, but what else explains their 
expectations and customs? Instead of seeing to it that 
children form habits, they rest content with mere exhorta- 
tions or expositions. Mothers expect little girls to be polite 
with no further training than an exasperated "Don't be so 
rude ! " can give ; teachers suppose that children will be able 
to add 3 plus 12 because they know 12 plus 3. Children are 
told how to hold pencils or needles, how to use a plane or a 
paint brush, how to throw a ball or produce a legato touch on 
the piano, and then adults are impatient when they do not 
do these things from the mere telling. As though nerve con- 
nections used from ear to associative center would bring 
about automatism from motor center to hand ! As bad as 
these violations of " form habits ..." is the ignoring of 
the rest of that maxim. "... as they will be used." Much 
time is given to oral spelling and reading, to written language 
and arithmetic, to composition in art and music, whereas 
ordinary life situations call for written spelling, silent reading, 
oral language, mental arithmetic, appreciation in art. rendi- 
tion of others' music hundreds of times as often as for the 



General Tendencies, Habit and Learning 193 

activities mentioned. Then, too, children are drilled in 
serial habits, such as repeating tables of weights and measures, 
multiplication tables, principal parts of verbs, declensions 
and conjugations, lists of dates and the like, when the con- 
nections needed in ordinary usage are not these at all but 
paired facts possibly, or a response to one fact by itself. A 
serial habit of this type not only omits to form a habit that 
is to be used, but it is a distinct hindrance to the early stages 
of the formation of the needed habits. 

For any desired habit we cannot trust to mere repetition ; 
it must be repetition with satisfactory results. Neutral con- 
sequences or unpleasant accompaniments will not succeed 
in establishing a habit. Children must not be expected to 
learn their spelling words by repeating them over and over 
again to themselves with no different result to their con- 
sciousness when they repeat correctly from what they ex- 
perience when they repeat incorrectly. Many times the last 
line on the page of the old-fashioned copy book was worse 
than the first, and the last page no better than the first page. 
Practice will not make perfect unless satisfaction follows the 
variations that are in the direction of the ideal. Good im- 
pulses must be definitely rewarded, and undesirable impulses 
must fail of achieving satisfaction. Too often this maxim is 
violated by such practices as granting children their requests 
if they tease long enough, paying attention to troublesome 
children and those who are trying to " show off," while 
ignoring the good, well-behaved ones. Other misuses of 
the law of effect are such customs as giving children poetry 
or Bible passages to memorize as a punishment, exaggerating 
the value of a promised reward, forgetting to comment on an 
improvement, quoting a child's impudence in front of him 
as though it were commendable, and the like. In line with 
these are the schoolroom customs of scoring only the mis- 
takes in composition, drawing, or music, and of giving mis- 
spelled words and incorrect syntax for correction; only in 
o 



194 Psychology of Childhood 

these cases the wrong form of the habit is encouraged by 
emphasizing it to the exclusion of the right forms. 

With young children the responsibility of providing op- 
portunity for exercise, and of making sure that satisfactory 
results follow effective exercise, rests on the adult, either 
teacher or parent. Many of the habits which it is worth 
while for children to form seem to them to be of no value, 
and therefore, of their own accord, they do not exercise them. 
Some one to whom their value is evident must provide the 
opportunities. It is also true that the younger the child 
the more often must the reward come from without. The 
aim of the teacher, of course, is so to arrange the situations 
that the activity itself shall bring its own reward ; but that 
cannot always be the result, and incentives and rewards of 
various kinds have to be resorted to. The teacher will show 
her ingenuity and probably secure results if she uses the 
original satisfiers in connection with the formation of the 
habit. With little children this satisfaction, whatever it 
may be, should follow immediately the activity it is sup- 
posed to reward. It would be unsafe to defer rewarding a 
child of five for good pronunciation or clean hands until the 
close of school ; and similarly to keep a child of seven waiting 
for his reward for the correct holding of his pen or any other 
habit until the end of the week or month would be foolish. 
In either case, the child will, of course, be delighted with his 
pleasure ; but the point is that it is not closely enough con- 
nected with the working of the particular synapsis to help 
fix the right discharge. 

The facts concerning the greater plasticity o\ the earlier 
years of a child's life as compared with the later apply also 
What is the to an y P eI "i°d in habit formation when compared 
forceofa with any later period. The law of Primacy has 
prece ent \y een f ramc( ] to express the importance of the be- 
ginning stages in the formation of any habit. The particular 
set or bent given by the first lew responses to a situation have 



General Tendencies, Habit and Learning 195 

a much greater effect than the same number at any later 
period ; hence, the way the laws of Exercise and Effect operate 
at the beginning of any habit-formation series is particularly 
important, and more so for children than for adults. This 
is true whether the habits be motor, intellectual, or emotional. 
And yet how often this fact is ignored in dealing with children 
in the home and in school. It is the first few weeks in the 
new class that are so influential in determining the discipline, 
the attitude towards the work, and towards the teacher; 
and yet how many teachers say that " it takes a month to 
settle down," not at all realizing the importance of the be- 
ginning weeks for habit. The same thing holds true in be- 
ginning a new subject, or in meeting a new friend ; it is the 
first impressions that count for so much. Again, how often 
it is true that the habits allowed to be formed at the begin- 
ning, or in the early stages, are absolutely wrong ; and these, 
because of this law of primacy, are most difficult to break. 
Children at first accustomed to having each sentence occupy 
one line form the habit of moving their eyes in accordance 
with that arrangement, and therefore find it most difficult 
to change to the habit of picking up the sentence on the next 
line and reading smoothly. When in the early stages of 
reading children have been allowed to pronounce each word 
to themselves, it is troublesome to break the habit when for 
the sake of rapid reading it is necessary. To how many 
children geometry has been a most tiresome and difficult 
subject because, in dealing with the first few propositions, the 
habit of memorizing them was formed. It is the violation 
of this law that makes so heavy the task of teaching children 
to study. In the primary and early grammar grades " study- 
ing " to the child meant memorizing, and that sort of studying 
brought satisfactory results ; hence when that sort will not 
satisfy the conditions, and teachers in the upper grammar 
grades and the high school try to teach them what the studying 
really means, they find it most difficult, because of the " set " 



196 Psychology of Childhood 

given by these early habits. The time to begin to teach a 
child how to study by other methods as well as rote memo- 
rizing is in the primary grades when he first begins to use 
books. 

Other principles. — When the habit formed is a voluntary 
one, two other principles arising in connection with these 
two general laws are important. In the first place, it is a 
help if the child definitely knows what the habit is that he is 
trying to form. Bagley expresses it in the phrase " Focaliza- 
tion plus drill in attention." This preparation in attention, 
giving of a mind's set, though important in all habit-forming, 
is particularly so in two cases : (1) in breaking a bad habit 
and (2) in producing a partial habit, or set of responses which 
will later need to be altered or used as the basis for the evolu- 
tion of principles. Many moral habits would come under 
this latter class. In the second place, it is of course neces- 
sary to gain the interest and cooperation of the child. Having 
that, he will be more likely to carry out James' maxims for 
habit-formation, " Never allow an exception to occur," and 
" Take the first opportunity of putting into practice the re- 
sponses you wish to make habitual." To gain this coopera- 
tion often taxes the ingenuity of the teacher, but the fund of 
original interests offer a solution of the problem. Once 
having gained it much of the difficulty in forming the habit 
is overcome. 

IMPROVEMENT. — The business of education is not 
merely to form habits, but to raise them to their highest 
level of efficiency ; therefore, the psychology of improvement l 
of habits is very important. That this need of improvement 
is not kept clearly in mind by teachers is shown by the low 
level of efficiency of the most common habits despite the great 
possibilities of improvement in them. All the work that has 
been done in experimental laboratories and elsewhere on all 

1 For a full discussion of this topic see Thorndike, The Psychology of Learn- 



General Tendencies, Habit and Learning 197 

forms of practice experiments points to the same conclusion, 
i.e. that all functions are capable of improvement, and most 
of them enormously so. In adding columns of figures after 
sixty minutes of practice, children have shown an improve- 
ment in speed from 31 columns to 50 columns, and in ac- 
curacy from 24 correct to 37 correct. In typewriting, fifty 
half hours of practice changed the score from 6 to 16 words 
per minute. Working three examples in mental multiplica- 
tion a day for 20 days resulted in an improvement of 100 
per cent. Thorndike says, 1 with regard to ordinary business 
habits, that " the majority of men remain far below their 
limit of efficiency even when it is decidedly in their interest 
to approach it, and when they think they are doing the best 
that they are capable of. I venture to prophesy that the 
1000 bookkeepers in, say, the grocery stores of New York 
who have each had 1000 hours of practice at addition, are 
still, on the average, adding less than two-thirds as rapidly 
as they could, and making twice as many errors as they would 
at their limit." 

Laboratory and school work compared. — There are four 
reasons for this striking difference between the improvement 
in habits in ordinary school practice, and under 
experimental conditions. children 

Consciousness of definite goal. — One is that the improve less 
factors upon which improvement depends are more ^der school 
carefully planned for in the laboratory than in thanunder 
school. In the practice experiments, the improve- '"ns?" '" 
ment worked for is always very definite and clear ; 
it is adding, or striking a dot, or memorizing words, or type- 
writing by the sight method. There is no confusion in the 
subject's mind as to just what he is to do. It is not a big 
general sort of task such as " to do better work in arithmetic," 
or "to present neater papers in English," — but one or two 
factors involved in this complex task are analyzed out, 

1 The Psychology of Learning, p. 179. 



198 Psychology of Childhood 

focused in the mind of the subject, and worked for. Kence 
the improvement. The aim must be definite, and must be 
held clearly in mind, if children are to improve. The chief 
trouble is that teachers have not considered their work from 
this point of view. They often do not have clearly in their 
own minds just what habits of responses in terms of thought, 
feeling, or action they are working for in any given subject, 
much less having it clearly defined for any given lesson. The 
children, therefore, cannot improve very fast or very much. 

Speedy working of law of effect. — A second reason is that 
the law of effect plays its part immediately in these practice 
experiments. The subject knows when he is doing well or 
ill. There is no difficulty in making the connection between 
the satisfaction or the discomfort and the bonds concerned, 
hence the effect is felt at its full strength. This condition is 
often not allowed for in school, — the child works at " some- 
thing " but when it is just " something," the satisfyingness 
of the result cannot attach to anything very definitely. And 
besides, as has already been pointed out, it is too often true 
that the child is left in ignorance of the result, and therefore 
the law of effect plays no part. 

Desire to improve. -7 A third very important factor in all 
improvement is that /the idea of improvement itself must be 
prominent in the mind of the worker. It is not enough to 
have as an aim, to learn to add, or to toss balls, or to spell, 
but in each case it must be also to add faster than yesterday, 
to toss the ball oftener, or Ao have more words right, or learn 
them in a shorter time. / Improvement in itself must be a 1 
conscious aim. Meumann 1 says, " the arousal of the will to 
improve is of fundamental significance in all mental and 
budily improvement," and yet conditions are such that chil- 
dren in their learning seldom have more than a very indefinite 
feeling that, of course, they are supposed to do better; and 
this is true often because they do not know when they im- 

1 The Psychology of Learning, p. 362. 



General Tendencies, Habit and Learning 199 

prove or how much. The change in the attainment of chil- 
dren in any given task is remarkable when conditions are so 
arranged that attention is focused on the improvement. 
For example, a sixth-grade class made tremendous improve- 
ment in their daily spelling when the teacher adopted the 
scheme of allowing them to represent the daily results in the 
form of a graph which was kept on one of the blackboards. 
It is not safe for teachers to think that children know when 
they improve. They do not, — even those in the upper 
grammar grades do not. Their standards of what is ex- 
cellent are not clearly defined, and their power of analyzing 
their own work and comparing it with a standard is unde- 
veloped. They need help along these very lines ; and the 
only way to give it is to be sure that the amount of improve- 
ment, or the lack of it, is very clear in the child's mind. 
y Interest in work. — A fourth factor, which would seem 
hardly to need mentioning theoretically, yet which is still 
woefully neglected, is that of interest. Somehow or other, 
if improvement is to be steady the work must seem worth 
while to the child, it must satisfy some need of his, he must 
be interested in it. In the practice of the experimental 
laboratory this interest is present and helps to account for 
the results. Sometimes it is the novelty of the experiment 
that attracts, sometimes it is the desire to see how much one 
can do, sometimes it is the joy of beating some one else, and 
sometimes it is the realization that improvement along this 
line will materially aid in some work itself interesting ; what- 
ever the reason, the general rule is that improvement comes 
most rapidly when the whole of the child or subject is in the 
endeavor. It is almost pitiful when going into any class- 
room and starting one of these experiments, to see the vim 
and eagerness with which the children set to work. More of 
this same energy could be called upon in connection with the 
ordinary school work if some of the characteristics of the 
practice experiment were incorporated in it. 



200 Psychology of Childhood 

The practice curve. Sharp slant at first. — Two charac- 
teristics of the practice curve are important for students of 
child psychology, — the rapid rise at the beginning, 

Whatsug- it r ■> -r • i i 

gestionsfor and the presence of plateaus. It is true that the 
teaching improvement at the beginning of any practice 

may we get .. . . ° ° i t t 

from a study series is very rapid, and the newer the work the 
oftheprac- m0 re rapid the improvement. Of course this 

tice curve? 1,1.11 1 • r • 1 ■ 

means that children s gain at first m a new subject or 
phase of it is very marked. This is dangerous, in that it 
offers a temptation to go so fast in the learning process in 
the early stages that the material gained or the skill acquired 
is only just over the threshold of learning, is not fixed firmly 
enough to serve as a foundation for the next higher level of 
habits. The unwisdom of such procedure is shown in the 
unnecessary frequency and length of the plateaus which occur 
later. It is absolutely necessary for efficient and economical 
learning that the foundation be well laid, that the elementary 
habits be made automatic before the complex work that 
soon appears is attempted. Teachers must allow for and 
even encourage overlearning in the early stages if they wish 
to avoid the discouragement of the plateaus later. 

These plateaus, or places where there seems to be no 
progress, themselves offer a problem. They seem to depend 
chiefly on two conditions : first, the lack of automatization 
of elementary habits, which has already been mentioned ; and 
second, the loss of interest. When one of these pauses in 
progress occurs it is highly necessary for the teacher to over- 
come it as soon as possible, for it is one of the most fruitful 
sources of discouragement. In order to overcome it the 
teacher must know to which of the above-mentioned causes 
it is due, for her method of dealing with it would vary as the 
cause. If it is due to lack of automatization, the cure would, 
of course, be found in review; the onward progress would 
have to cease for the time, and the old work be taken up 
once more from ever-varying points of view, with interesting 



General Tendencies, Habit and Learning 201 

drills until the necessary automatism in response is acquired. 
On the other hand, if the pause is due to monotony and loss 
of interest, the cure might be found in an added spurt in the 
forward movement, or an entire cessation of the work for the 
time being, or in appealing to other interests, or in adding 
incentives. In any case, the method used would depend upon 
the cause of the plateaus. With adults it may be safe to 
leave the diagnosing of the trouble to the person concerned, 
but with children that certainly is impossible. They are 
probably not conscious of the lack of improvement, and they 
are certainly not capable of ascertaining the cause. This 
duty must rest on the teacher, and it is not an easy one by 
any means. The fact remains, however, that with care and 
alertness on her part, the number of these hindrances to steady 
improvement can be materially lessened, and the amount of 
time spent on the plateaus which do occur can be considerably 
diminished. 

Muscular skill. — It has been pointed out by those who 
have investigated the acquisition and improvement of acts 
of skill when the responses are complex, that 
changes in method which are effective in bringing laws apply 
about improvement are at first hit upon uncon- to habits of 

,i , , . , . r i 1 i motor skill ? 

sciously, but that their ultimate usefulness depends 
upon their being made conscious. This method of trying 
this and that in a blind effort to solve the situation is the 
animal method of learning, the simple trial and success 
method, and it seems to be fundamental and indispensable 
in all learning which involves physical skill. Explaining to 
a child how to do something is useless in the early stages; 
only after he has made the coordination, done the act in some 
fashion or other, has the telling any content for him at all. 
This suggests the need of much more experimentation method, 
much more " trial and success " in the learning of little chil- 
dren, and in the beginning stages of any learning involving 
muscular responses, even with adults. After the learner 



202 Psychology of Childhood 

has attempted some responses by his own initiative, the sug- 
gestions of a teacher would be useful. True, if left to him- 
self, he might in time stumble on a good method ; but waiting 
for each learner to do so is not only lacking in economy, but 
runs the risk of forming bad habits. It is the business of the 
teacher to watch a child's endeavors, and at the opportune 
moment to suggest valuable changes in his method. Given 
in that way, suggestions are more likely to be effective, but 
given preceding any movements they are meaningless. The 
explanation to a child of the value of holding his pencil, or 
his needle, or his plane, or his bat just so, has no content for 
him until he has attempted to do it ; the suggestion will then 
have an apperceptive basis, and the reasonableness of it is 
more likely to be clear by comparison. Teachers are too 
afraid to let children try things out for themselves. Of 
course, the danger of the bad effects of a wrong start must be 
guarded against by a close watchfulness ; but trial and success 
with selection of the best variation of response is the only 
way to bring about effective and steady improvement. 

Another fact in connection with this type of learning must 
be borne in mind. Although suggestions of change of method 
may be possible in the early stages, still a time comes when 
the act is so complete that words are meaningless ; no one 
can tell how to improve. It must be left to the individual to 
stumble upon the necessary change, but the teacher can be 
of help in bringing the change to attention at once, instead of 
letting it pass perhaps to be lost, or at least with no greater 
chance of its occurring again rather than any other variation. 
There comes a time in swinging clubs when a certain supple- 
ness is necessary to make the complicated swings go smoothly ; 
in dancing, when an added element of ease must come if the 
slide is to be graceful ; in singing when a fullness of tone is 
needed ; and in painting when a certain lightness of touch 
conditions the smooth, even laying-on of the wash. No 
to hold the club or bend the wrist, of 



General Tendencies, Habit and Learning 203 

how to hold the body or move the feet, of how to place the 
voice or open the throat, or of how to hold the brush, will 
bring the desired result. It must come of itself. But if a 
watchful teacher is there to say, " There now you have it, — 
that is the right quality of tone," " That is the swing you 
have been working for," attention is immediately attracted 
to the right response, and it is made more likely to reoccur 
because of the satisfyingness attached to the commendation. 
IMPORTANCE OF HABITS. — There is no subject of 
child psychology more important than this one of habit- 
formation. All of life is dependent on habit, all of progress 
is conditioned by it. Lying at the root of all civilization, it 
is the bond that makes society stable, the element that gives 
character to the individual life, for character after all must be 
defined in terms of one's habitual modes of response. Since 
habit makes, up so large a part of life surely no work can be 
more important for a teacher, for a school system, for any and 
all of the educational forces than that of making efficient the 
factor responsible for so much of the activities of the human 
race. The teacher's fundamental duty is that of habit-forma- 
tion ; for only so can she make possible the activities leading 
to independence and originality. This fact was pointed out 
in connection with memory, which is habit formation in the 
realm of mental states ; but it needs to be emphasized again 
and again. Not too many habits, but too few is the danger 
that teachers must avoid. Having too few habits results in 
insufficiency of control, in lack of material, in narrowness of 
conduct and thought. The greater the number of good habits 
that an individual possesses in all fields, — thought, feeling, 
conduct, — the more efficient will he be, especially if among 
them is found the habit of forming new habits. 

Exercises 

1. Describe in physiological terms the risk of allowing excep- 
tions when breaking an undesirable habit. 



204 Psychology of Childhood 

2. Why would it be poor training to have forty children take 
turns in being monitor for one day each? 

3. What explains a small child's objection, "You're telling the 
story all different"? 

4. Why are boys "willing to take the whipping if we can get 
the swim"? 

5. Explain the unwisdom of assigning homework on a new 
principle in algebra before it is understood. 

6. Should the strongest incentives be used at the beginning 
or at the plateau stage of a habit ? Why ? 

7. What would be the value of definite lessons in table man- 
ners? How could they be planned so as to "form habits as they 
will be used"? In what ways does the high-school quick-lunch 
counter violate this precept? 

8. In teaching children to sew, is it better to show them com- 
pleted stitches on the material and pictures of the needle making 
the stitch, or to demonstrate by movement the way it is done? 
Why? 

9. Should the resident or remote sensations be attended to 
first in forming a motor skill habit? When should the shift in 
attention be encouraged ? 

10. Observe first- and second-grade children while writing, and 
then illustrate each of these points made by James : 

Habit saves time. 
Habit simplifies movements. 
Habit lessens fatigue. 

Habit diminishes the constant attention with which the act is 
performed. 

Habit makes movements more accurate. 

11. Make a list of hygienic habits in the formation of which 
the teacher and home can cooperate. 

12. How would you arrange to "reward good impulses" so as 
to have children form the habit of truth- telling? 

13. What is the danger to a child, from the standpoint of habit- 
formation, of too early specializing in a vocation ? 

14. What means would you take, other than assigning school 
grades, to make progress aimed for and evident in such habits as : 
technique of piano-playing ; looking for the topic of a lesson assign- 



General Tendencies, Habit and Learning 205 

ment; careful observation in nature study work; the use of 
references, encyclopedias, Poole's index, etc. ; outlining and sum- 
marizing? 

15. Make a list of thirty or more specific, concrete directions 
you would give to replace the abstract one, "Be neat in your work 
about the laboratory." 

16. What is the value to the teacher of thus analyzing a stand- 
ard or an activity? 

References for Reading 

Rowe, Habit Formation, chs. 8, 9, 10, n. 

James, Psychology, ch. 4. 

Strayer and Norsworthy, How to Teach, chs. 4, 14. 



CHAPTER XII 

PLAY 

One of the characteristics of children which seems per- 
fectly obvious, and upon which every one agrees is the fact 
Why do °f thei r playfulness. Childhood is the playtime of 
children life. Children seem quite willing to devote all 
pay their waking time and energy to play, provided 

this tendency has not been inhibited by some environmental 
condition. To play is as much a part of their original nature 
as to eat, or to sleep. Just what is the source in original 
nature has been discussed for years. Why do children play, 
and why do they play in just the ways they do? Several 
theories have been advanced, each containing something of 
value. 

THEORIES OF PLAY. — One theory is that advanced 
by Schiller and Spencer. They claim that the excess energy 
of brain centers discharges into play activities. It is because 
the child has superabundance of energy that he plays. It is 
no doubt true that a well, healthy, rested child plays better 
than a sick, frail, tired one ; but we know that both children 
and animals play when they are sick, and play until they are 
exhausted. What, then, constitutes "excess" of energy? 
This theory, also, does not account for the particular forms 
taken by play. There must be some reason for the fact that 
children between 7 and 8 enjoy " make-believe " games, and 
that between 9 and 11 the running games are so popular; 
and that the puzzle is fascinating at about 12, and games of 
skill of extraordinary interest in the teens. In other words, 
206 



Play 207 

there must be some reason for the fact that the play activi- 
ties of children follow a certain order irrespective of environ- 
ment, and this explanation the Spencer theory does not give. 

The theory advanced by Professor Groos is that play is a 
preparation for the business of life. He thinks that in the 
various plays children practice the forms of activity that they 
will later need and upon which their struggle for existence 
may depend ; that such practice is necessary for the future 
perfection of the various activities, and that development 
of the individual depends on it. No doubt in some instances, 
especially if one considers primitive man, there is some such 
correspondence ; but in most cases the preparatory effect of 
the various games is hard to trace. For instance, it might 
seem valuable to children of uncivilized races to indulge as 
they do in the running, catching games, because the adult 
savage depends largely on his agility and strength for his 
existence; but for what do these plays prepare a civilized 
child ? — For catching a street car perhaps, or getting out 
of the way of an automobile. The preparation, if there is 
one, must be taken in a very general sense, for no close corre- 
spondence can be found. Even if it does exist, as the theory 
suggests, it but indicates something further to be explained, 
for " Why does the child in his ignorance of adult needs react 
in just those ways which do thus train him? The explana- 
tion needs itself to be explained." l 

Stanley Hall holds strongly to the atavistic theory, which 
is but a special application of the recapitulation theory. He 
says, " I regard play as the motor habits and spirit of the past 
of the race, persisting in the present, as rudimentary functions 
sometimes of and always akin to rudimentary organs. The 
best index and guide to the stated activities of adults in past 
ages is found in the instinctive, untaught and non-imitative 
plays of children which are the most spontaneous and exact 

1 A Comparative Study of the Play Activities of Adult Savages and Civilized 
Children, Appleton, p. 77. 



208 Psychology of Childhood 

expressions of their motor needs. . . . Thus we rehearse 
the activities of our ancestors, back we know not how far, 
and repeat their life work in summative and adumbrated 
ways." x The same criticisms of the recapitulation theory 
already discussed 2 will apply to this special application of it. 
Theoretically, scientists do not believe that human nature 
has undergone such definite and well-marked changes due to 
the stages of culture through which it has passed. Prac- 
tically, it is difficult on this theory to explain why boys like 
to go swimming and to live in caves at the same age, or why 
it is that children enjoy playing with toy boats and trains 
before they want a bow and arrow, or why the favorite toy 
of most girls under nine is the doll. That there are common 
elements to be found in the plays of all children, whether 
civilized or primitive, there can be no question, but the 
explanation is probably not the one Dr. Hall supports. 

Professor McDougall in his ''Social Psychology," after re- 
viewing the various theories of play, suggests that the essence 
of playful activity is found in the motive of rivalry or emulation. 
He says, " A motive that may cooperate with others in almost 
all games, and which among ourselves is seldom altogether 
lacking, is the desire to get the better of others, to emulate, 
to excel. This motive plays an important part, not only in 
games, but in many of the most serious activities of life, to 
which it gives an additional zest. . . . But wherever it 
enters in, it is recognized that it imparts something of a 
playful character to the activity." 3 But rivalry does not 
enter into many of the plays of children. Some plays, 
the make-believe plays, the doll plays, and the play of an 
infant are noticeably lacking in such an element. More- 
over, the presence of rivalr) when two individuals or corpo- 
rations are fighting for the upper hand by no means changes 
their activity into a playful one. If carried out fully, this 

1 Hall, Youth, p. 74. I I ap. II. pp. 33, f. 

3 McDougall, Social Psychology, pp, 112-113, 



Play 209 

suggestion would involve a differentiation of each instinct 
into two, — one the serious form, and the other the playful 
form which is always accompanied by the spirit of rivalry, 
and this does not seem to be true. It seems impossible, then, 
to take this theory as a full explanation of the play impulse, 
although of course it has an element of truth in it. 

Miss Apple ton, in her comparative study of play already 
referred to, advances a biological theory of play. She thinks 
that play is dependent on the structure of the body, and that 
the activity is of such character as will satisfy the needs of 
the growing body. " With the infant, the head or arm muscles 
being strongest, control the somatic type of play, together 
with the developing sense organs of the nervous system and 
the brain. Sensations, coming through the sheen of light, 
the shake of the rattle, the throwing of the ball, are his mental 
toys and his delight. Later, when stronger muscles co- 
operate in stronger and more complex movements and when 
further brain development makes perception and appercep- 
tion possible, activity of the whole body is the somatic type, 
while mentally imagination, volition and imitation, become 
his toys. And so we hear, ' Tell me a story,' and see, a 
little later, the story epitomized in dramatic representation. 
... Is it not significant that whatever the type of play 
may be, it just keeps pace with the type of somatic growth? 
And does not the impulse to exercise these growing parts 
furnish all the explanation that is needed for the existence of 
the play activity? " 1 

This last theory seems to account for the facts better than 
any one of the others. In Chapter II it was shown how the 
instinctive tendencies to action, to feeling, and to thought 
were dependent on the development of certain connections 
in the nervous system, how this development always followed 
the same general order, how the readiness of the nervous 
system to act depended not only on its development, but upon 
1 Appleton, op. cit., pp. 78-79. 
P 



210 . Psychology of Childhood 

the environment, the condition of the individual as to fatigue, 
comfort, etc., and the experience immediately preceding. It 
was also emphasized that in actual life, many responses might 
be ready at the same time, and that the situations calling out 
the responses are not simple one-to-one affairs, but extremely 
complex, often overlapping each other, so that at one minute 
one instinct might be the response, and at the next instant 
another. 

MEANING OF TERM. — Bearing all these facts in 
mind, we see that so-called play resolves itself into the func- 
Whenisan tioning of gradually ripening instincts evoked by 
activity situations not stamped with the economic need 

called play? ^ {(± ^^ ^ us to ^ ^ ^faty work _ 

Given the same elements present in the nervous system but 
a primitive environment with its urgent physical needs, the 
probability is that the responses of action would not be called 
play because of the service they would render. As Thorndike 
says, " If infants from a year to three years of age lived in 
such a community as a human settlement seems likely to 
have been twenty-five thousand years ago, their restless 
examination of small objects would perhaps seem as utilitarian 
as their father's hunting." l In many, many instances, be- 
cause of the protection and care of the parents, because of 
the difference between primitive and civilized society, be- 
cause of the complexity of the environment, children respond 
in ways not immediately useful, and we say they play. For 
example, we call it playing when ten-year-olds have a pillow 
fight or a game of chase, when they model a snow-man or 
build a bridge or a dam across a small stream ; but were the 
opponents really inimical, the plastic material clay, the 
country in danger of a flood we should consider the activities 
work. So, too, very small differences in the situation are 
sometimes big enough to call out different responses. A 
bottle given a hungry baby will stimulate the food-taking 

1 Original Nature of Man, p. 14O. 



Play 211 

responses ; given to the same baby when satisfied may stimu- 
late manipulation and vocalization. In the latter case we 
should call it playing but not in the former; not that the 
baby has two sets of responses, one serious and the other playful, 
but that the slight difference in his physiological condition 
makes him respond in the first case so that we recognize the 
economic need, and in the second so that we do not. The 
need exists for the baby each time, but in different form. 

Not one instinct, but a field for many. — If this is true, 
then there is no one specialized, isolated tendency we can 
call the play instinct with definite responses bound to definite 
situations ; rather it should be regarded as the arousal of 
many instincts combined, depending on the readiness of the 
neurones, the general law of exercise and specially subject 
to the law of effect. In few cases, if any, does an instinct or 
tendency appear alone ; several are " ready " at the same time 
and the action of each modifies the others. The law of readi- 
ness determines the kind of play engaged in at different 
periods. Thus, running and chasing is not a feature of play 
under eighteen months, nor dramatic representation under 
three years, nor competition under six or seven, nor intellec- 
tual games much before ten, nor social dancing with the other 
sex till about fifteen. Similarly, the rattle that pleases the 
baby is ignored later, the woolly lamb on wheels dragged 
down the street by the two-year-old would disgust the nine- 
year-old, the eight-year-old's doll no longer interests the four- 
teen-year-old. The law of exercise controls the tendencies so 
that experience and learning quickly modify what in the play 
or work was the outcome of original nature. The law of 
effect determines the length of time children will play ; their 
persistence till skill is acquired in roller-skating, top-spinning, 
pitching ball, hopscotch and whatnot, above all, makes the 
occupation, for them, play rather than work. 

Amusement, games, sports. — Several forms of enjoyment 
are included under the general name play. There is amuse- 



212 Psychology of Childhood 

ment, which presupposes a somewhat passive attitude on the 
part of the person enjoying : thus, we amuse children by 
showing them pictures, telling them stories, taking 
entsortsof' them to a conjurer's performance. Games are 
activities characterized sometimes by the use of dramatic 
play? e imagination to a definite end, chiefly by the pres- 
ence of rules of varying degrees of complexity, the 
clement of competition, frequently by a limitation of the num- 
ber who may participate. For example, we have games of 
charades, cross-tag, dominoes, going to Jerusalem, checkers, 
croquet, football, and the like. Sports rather connote athletics 
out of doors, often with contest against physical nature, such 
as swimming, boating, races, though it may mean games, such 
as polo, golf, or " indoor sports," such as volley ball. This 
terminology obviously overlaps to some extent ; but with 
these subtracted, the term play is reserved for the free play 
of very young children, for random, unattended-to move- 
ments, such as the nervous occupation of a lecturer's hands, 
or for some activity less definitely organized and regulated 
than is a game, such as " playing " horse, Indian, dolls. 
There is no sharp line of division in the use of the terms. 

Play, work, and drudgery. — Of more significance is our 
thought of all forms of play as distinct from work or drudgery. 
How does The difference here is not primarily one of the kind 
play differ of activity, but one of attitude. Xo given activity 
from wor can arbitrarily be placed in either class. Listening 
to a concert, working problems in mathematics, sewing or 
painting, attending a reception, playing a game of whist, 
taking a walk, working in the garden, — any one of these may 
be work of the hardest kind to one person and the most de- 
lightful play to another. This difference in attitude is caused 
by the difference in certain characteristics of the activity. 
When the activity is considered as work, it is being engaged 
in, not for its own sake, but because of some result worth 
while, only to be reached by means of the given activity. 



Play 213 

The eye of the worker is fixed outside of the activity on the 
result beyond. When the activity seems play to the individ- 
ual, the process itself seems worth while ; he is concerned 
only with the activity, that in itself satisfies him. The same 
result may be obtained as in the former case, but it is not the 
most important thing to the one engaged in the activity. 
When it is work, the process is merely a means to a desirable 
end, but when it is play the two are fused, and the process 
with its result seem desirable. For example, the boys who 
were paid to clear the potato patch of potato bugs found it 
most disagreeable work at first, and did it only to secure the 
money or escape the punishment for disobedience, or both. 
But when the competition and make-believe elements were 
introduced by some bright spirit, and the potato bugs became 
pearls and each boy tried to get the largest collection, — 
then the money received in payment was no longer the largest 
factor, but the process itself became of absorbing interest. 

The work attitude is brought about because the activity 
in question for some reason is not adapted to the individual's 
capacity at the moment it is indulged in. This lack of 
adaptation may be due to fatigue ; often some occupation 
begun with zest becomes drudgery before it is completed be- 
cause of the fatigue occasioned. A child who usually con- 
siders his gymnasium period as play may, because of the late 
hours of the night before, find it hard work. Lack of par- 
ticular ability may be the cause of the lack of adaptation. 
Music, or art, or handwork, or athletics may always be work 
for certain children simply because they lack ability along 
these lines. Sometimes the lack of adaptation is due to the 
fact that the activity has been planned by an adult who has 
not taken into proper consideration the stage of development 
of the child. When this occurs, the activity being beyond 
his stage of development, calling for powers and tendencies 
not yet ripe, or, as is sometimes the case, calling for tendencies 
which have been left behind, the process satisfies no need 



214 Psychology of Childhood 

on the part of the child. The only motive he can have in 
the pursuance of it is to satisfy the adult from whom the 
initiative has come, who has planned the activity. Under 
these conditions it is impossible for the child to throw himself 
wholly into the task, his attention is divided between the 
process and the end, and divided attention is always ac- 
companied by strain. Were the activity suited to the child, 
if it called out some developing instinct or power, the process 
and end would not be disparate but a logical whole, and the 
attention therefore of a unified, concentrated type. 

To sum up, the attitude rather than the occupation deter- 
mines whether a person is at play, work, or drudgery. Play 
means a feeling of freedom, presence or absence of a con- 
scious purpose, enjoyment of the procedure for its own sake, 
a varied and rather wide range of activity, adaptation to 
ability and stage of development, immediate attention. 
Work means action directed by one's self or others, a con- 
scious purpose in the result to be attained whether or not 
there is enjoyment of the procedure, a fairly narrow range 
and variety of activity, possible lack of complete adaptation 
to the individual, probably derived attention. Drudgery 
connotes that the work is imposed by another, that the pur- 
pose is forgotten or so remote as not to motivate — in any 
case the purpose is not within the present procedure — there 
is frequently much repetition of a narrow range of activity, 
probably little adaptation to the individual, most likely 
forced attention. 

Of course, it is true that in life situations there is not the 
sharp distinction between play, work, and drudgery here 
suggested; but it is true that at the extremes we find these 
characteristics. Fully to enjoy some play entails work; to 
realize one's purpose in either work or play may involve some 
drudgery. Of immense value is the fact that children in 
their free', social play learn the necessity of work and some- 
times put in a good deal of attentive, persevering effort to 



Play 215 

achieve the desired end. For example, some little girls want 
to play tea party ; but before they do they must wash the 
tea set, go out to pick some berries and lay the table. In 
another setting this might be work, but when felt as a neces- 
sary preparation to the play it is done with much of the play 
spirit. Some boys anxious to figure as the band in a military 
parade will carefully practice the technique of the mouth 
organ, drum, whistle, or other chosen noise-maker in a way 
that would rejoice the heart of a teacher. An artist needing 
a particular type of head for the model in his picture may 
spend weeks, perhaps, in search ; but the joy of his art is 
such that much of the drudgery connected with the quest is 
lost in the satisfaction of the end to be gained. 

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PLAY SPIRIT. — It is be- 
cause of this vital relationship between work and play that 
play has been called one of the greatest factors in why should 
education. It is the aim of educators to-day to the play 
take more of this same play spirit into the school- iSnthl 
room. So to arrange the school work that much of school- 
it could be done in the play spirit would be a tre- room? 
mendous gain. So long as the school organization is as it 
is, and so long as civilized ideals hold sway, work and even 
drudgery must have a place in the education of every child, 
but when possible the play spirit must be encouraged, be 
planned for if results worth while educationally are to be 
obtained. For it must be remembered that the play spirit 
appears whenever activities are suited to the individual's 
capacity and stage of development, and in themselves satisfy 
a need. 

In emphasizing the need of the play spirit in education 
two facts must be borne in mind. First, that the play spirit 
is not synonymous with the free physical activities of the 
child. It is much broader. It is not confined to any type 
of activity, nor to any age. It is characteristic of the in- 
tellectual responses just as truly as of the physical ; imagina- 



216 Psychology of Childhood 

tion, observation, judgment, and reasoning are used in play. 
The constructive and aesthetic arts with their fusion of the 
physical, intellectual, and emotional factors are often char- 
acterized by the same spirit. In our thinking of play we 
have been prone to think of the earliest manifestations of it 
in the field of physical activity principally, and thereby have 
neglected the more important features. Any activity en- 
gaged in primarily for its own sake, which is in itself satisfy- 
ing, is characterized by the play spirit. The second fact to 
be borne in mind is that play does not mean being amused, 
and it is not synonymous with aimlessness, and lack of results. 
Again, the error has been committed of taking the first im- 
mature manifestations to be the earnest for all. Think how 
much of time and energy a ten-year-old spends on his play, — 
how his resources of ingenuity, imitation, tact, judgment, 
perseverance, are all taxed. And think, too. of the results 
he gets, the ends he attains. And if the field of adult activity 
be examined, the conclusions must soon be reached that most 
of the results worth while to the world, whether in the field 
of industry, invention, science, art, philosophy, or social ad- 
ministration have been reached by men and women who were 
working in the play spirit. Great results can never be 
obtained when the individual with divided attention, with 
the initiative coming from another, is striving primarily for 
the remote ends of an activity. It is only when the activity 
grips him, when in it he sees value, when it satisfies a need of 
his nature that great, far-reaching results are possible. The 
great philosophers, teachers, artists, poets, musicians, in- 
ventors, — geniuses in any field of human endeavor, have all 
done their work in the play spirit. And this is the ideal of 
the school, and of all education ; so to arrange things that the 
child, the youth, the adult may be able to a greater and 
greater extent to do his daily work in the play spirit. 

AGE DIFFERENCES IN PLAY INTERESTS. As the 
plays of children depend upon their developing instincts 



Play 217 

and powers, changes in the plays must occur as these inborn 
tendencies wax and wane. The order of this development 
is away from mere physical and sensory activity 
towards that involving more of the intellectual y^ ar " s 
factors ; away from the individualistic towards enjoyed at 
the social and competitive. Besides this change a f e e J? n 
in the forms used in play, there are other changes 
of equal importance. Imitation plays a larger and larger 
role. The instinctive basis of the plays of children under 
five is very evident, but that is not true of the older children. 
The form that the activities take, the particular plays or 
games used depends on the particular environment. Tradi- 
tion and custom determine the plays of a locality. The ele- 
ments due to original nature are only with difficulty discernible 
in the mass of elements that have been added through imita- 
tion. And yet it is interesting to note that the plays of chil- 
dren of about the same age, in widely different parts of the 
world, are alike in the essential characteristics, due of course 
to the part played by original nature. Another change 
which takes place is in the complexity of the activity. The 
early plays are comparatively simple, but as the child grows 
older and the number of inborn tendencies increase, overlap, 
and merge, the plays are correspondingly complex. This 
change results in greater organization and the plays become 
games, with rules which must be carried out by all the par- 
ticipants. The increasing complexity and organization of 
the plays necessitate the introduction of elements of work 
within the activity as means to an end. 

Roughly, the kinds of play enjoyed at different ages are 
as follows : during infancy sensory and perceptual plays 
predominate, with the developing tendencies to general 
physical activity, locomotion, manipulation, and vocalization. 
The responses are crude and, at first, seem almost the result 
of random movements. Before seven, children engage in 
play rather than play games ; it is preeminently the toy age, 



218 Psychology of Childhood 

with imitation and imagination as new developing factors. 
From seven to ten play is decreasingly solitary, increasingly 
competitive, involving much physical exercise such as run- 
ning, jumping, throwing, hitting, climbing, also quieter 
manipulation, more sustained group dramatization, collect- 
ing and hoarding. From ten to twelve or so the greatest 
variety of games is played ; for to the tendencies already 
functioning is added more general mental activity helped 
out by wider information, shown in guessing games, wider 
reading, the interest in language. Abilities are developed 
by rivalry in ball play, swimming, construction work, jump- 
ing the rope, doll-dressmaking, the use of words and the like, 
while there is an added love of more passive movements such 
as swinging. The rise of the gang spirit, inciting to greater 
possibilities of adventure, is one of the most important tend- 
encies of this pubescent age. In the teens, both McGhee 
and Croswell l show that doll play, chasing, imitative and 
mere make-believe games decline, whereas rivalry, team- 
work, games of chance, rhythmic movement, athletics of all 
sorts gain in favor. Now is the time of highly organized 
activity, and of the elimination of many earlier forms of 
imaginative play. Adolescent boys are more fond of running 
games than are girls, specialize on fewer, organize better, 
play intellectual games, and games of chance less. 

This description is clearly inadequate as an analysis of the 
tendencies which show themselves in the playful activities 
of any period. This inadequacy is unavoidable from the 
very nature of the case. The fact that the tendencies them- 
selves are so complex, that they do not act independently, 
that the action of each one affects all the others, that they 
vary as elements and conditions in the situations vary, and 
that the environment affects so materially the action of all 
tendencies, — all these conditions make a clear-cut, simple 
analysis of the plays of various ages impossible. All that a 
1 Ped. Scm., Vol <>, p. 314. Ped. Sem., Vol. 7. p. 459- 



Play 219 

student of children can do is to point out the general line of 
progress of activities that are playful due to the gradual 
development of the innate tendencies from those that are 
primarily sensory, physical, individual, purposeless, and 
unorganized, to those that are primarily intellectual or emo- 
tional, and social, and in which purpose and organization 
play a much larger part. The change from level to level is 
a very gradual one, and the difference is not so much in the 
incorporation of new elements as in the change of emphasis 
on those already present. 

The educational value of the free play of children increases 
as these changes take place. In their play children learn to 
observe quickly, to judge, to weigh values, to pick out essen- 
tials, to give close attention ; they learn the value of coopera- 
tion, to recognize the rights of others as well as to insist on 
their own being recognized ; they learn the meaning of freedom 
through law ; they learn the value and function of work and 
the joy of accomplishment. No wonder that play is regarded 
by many as the most important educational factor of them 
all. A child who does not play not only misses much of the 
joy of childhood, but he can never be a fully developed adult. 
He will lack in many of the qualities most worth while be- 
cause many of the avenues of growth were unused and neg- 
lected during the most plastic period of his life. 

DIRECTED PLAY. Provision of space. — It is because 
to-day educators are more alive than ever before to the need 
of play that the movements for playgrounds in j nwnatwa y 
the cities and for supervised play everywhere are can play be 
so widespread. Although it is almost impossible supervise • 
to inhibit all phases of play, still lack of facilities will inhibit 
certain phases. Plays that are largely physical, which in- 
clude running, chasing, throwing, jumping, swinging, as well 
as the various ball games need space in which to be played. 
Crowded city streets offer no inducements and the law for- 
bids their use as playgrounds. Consequently the bodies of 



220 Psychology of Childhood 

children in most slum districts suffer for want of legitimate 
exercise. Plays which involve numbers, which necessitate 
group work and team work, also need space. Lacking a 
place for such games the characters and mental alertness of 
children suffer. The opportunities for the development of 
honesty, of generosity, of cooperation, of sacrificing indi- 
vidual pleasure for the good of the majority are lessened ; 
all these and many more of the characteristics most worth 
while in adults are poorly developed, simply because the 
children did not have a place to play. Opportunities in the 
way of playgrounds more or less well equipped are absolutely 
necessary for the rich development of childhood. Later on, 
it is equally important that youth should learn the use of 
the school buildings, club rooms, etc. Play does not cease 
with childhood though the character of it changes. Oppor- 
tunities for the development in the playful spirit of the higher 
intellectual and emotional factors must be provided if we are 
to make use of all that nature has supplied. 

Supervision, wise and unwise. — Supervision and direction 
of play offer another opportunity although of a different 
character. Not only must there be nothing to inhibit the 
development of an inborn tendency, but often such a tend- 
ency needs stimulating. The wise guidance and suggestion 
of an adult will often furnish opportunities which the children, 
if left to themselves, would never have discovered. Such 
supervision will also conserve the nature of individual chil- 
dren, in some cases protecting them from themselves, in 
others encouraging them to fresh endeavors. The social, 
intellectual, and moral elements are more likely to be stressed 
and encouraged if there is supervision than otherwise. The 
children are not allowed to play on a lower level of develop- 
ment when they are ready for a higher. The possibility oi 
work in play is made much of, although the relative value of 
the two is emphasized. Wise supervision, of course, does not 
force but only suggests and encourages. 



Play 221 

Valuable as supervision is, not all play should be super- 
vised. Complete freedom is handicapped by the presence of 
an adult. When play is supervised there are some serious 
dangers which must be avoided if it is to be a truly educa- 
tional factor. All these dangers grow out of the fact that 
adults do not in the first place fully understand the nature 
and value of play, or in the second place do not study closely 
enough the stage of development of the children they are 
supervising. As a result, it is often the case that the teacher 
or supervisor introduces plays for which the children are not 
ready. It is a question whether the kindergarten has not 
erred in insisting on so many group games at a time when the 
child's interest is so predominantly individualistic. The 
reverse of this is true in the primary classes, and the question 
is whether the primary school has offered enough oppor- 
tunity for the development of the group game. It is diffi- 
cult for the supervisor not to emphasize the intellectual factors 
along the line, and all ages of children are not equally ready 
for that phase of play. Another danger is that the super- 
visor will push the complex, organized game before the chil- 
dren are ready for it. The simple plays, without many rules, 
quickly played and easily changed, ■ must come first. Per- 
haps the greatest danger of all in supervised play is that the 
initiative will come from the adult instead of from the child. 
When this is true, even though children seek the direction 
and guidance, one of the greatest values of play is gone. The 
initiative, the motive force must come from the children if 
their play is to them really natural. When there is too much 
direction, the essential character of the activity may be 
changed for the children, and what in form is play may be 
work ; when this happens, the value of both play and work is 
diminished. The very fact that the supervisor or teacher is 
an adult, and that the players are children, makes educative 
supervision very difficult. Adults must efface themselves 
more, they must play the role of observers more effectively, 



y> 



222 Psychology of Childhood 

the doctrine of " hands off " must be applied more often in 
dealing with children both in their work and in their play if 
they are to reap the full benefit of their activity. 

Exercises 

i. Make out a list of fifty or sixty games and plays you enjoyed 
from as far back as you can remember. Classify them according to 

(a) the age at which you played them, 

(b) whether it was mostly a game or play, 

(c) whether there was rhythm, 

(d) whether there was repetition, 

(e) whether there was competition, 
(/) whether there was imagination, 

(g) whether there was much language, or intellectual feature 
involved, 

(h) the type of organization, was it individual play, in an un- 
defined group, a double group, a pair or double pair, or an organized 
group. 

Arrange your classifications in tabular form on one sheet. How 
does your introspection corroborate facts brought out in this 
chapter? 

2. Observe the neighborhood closely for about a quarter of a 
mile square in a city, more in the suburbs or country. Enumerate 
the facilities and conditions for play such as, (a) space ; (b) topog- 
raphy, including slopes, gutters, vacant lots, sand, clay or rock, 
trees and grass, steps, area railings, low walls, etc. ; (c) physical 
safety, such as conditions after dark, amount of traffic, street 
railways; (d) moral suggestions, such as number of saloons, 
churches, libraries, moving-picture theaters, overcrowded living 
conditions ; (e) points of interest to children, such as toy and candy 
stores, fire engine house, garages, fire hydrants, building going on, 
exposed fruit stalls, etc. 

Make a map, if time allows, and enter these features. 

3. In the neighborhood you surveyed, spend from three to six 
hours observing the children at play at different limes of day. 
Note (a) the name of the activity, (M approximate ago, (c) size 
and sex of group, also the points as given from (6) to (//) inclusive 



Play 223 

in exercise 1 above. Tabulate as before. How do the results 
compare with your answer to 1 ? 

4. Visit a large toy-store during its pre-Christmas display. 
List such articles as you would advise parents to get for children 
under three, under seven, seven to ten, ten to thirteen, in the early 
teens. 

Questions for Discussion 

1. What does a teacher mean by saying "Stop playing now, 
and get to work," or "You haven't worked at this, you've only 
played"? 

2. Is following a hobby play or work ? Why? 

3. Describe and illustrate the attention characterizing play, 
drudgery. 

4. How would you bring the play spirit into a task children 
are likely to consider drudgery? 

5. Is work, in and of itself, developmental? 

6. In what respects does the play of Japanese, Dutch, Hindu, 
and American children differ ? 

7. What should a teacher gain from careful observation of the 
unsupervised play of her particular group of children ? 

8. Did you, as a child, prefer the perfected mechanical toy or 
the "do with" variety? Why? 

9. Illustrate the facts that tradition, the season, and sex make a 
difference in the kinds of play engaged in. 

References for Reading 

Lee, Play in Education. 

G. W. Johnson, Education by Plays and Games. 
J. Addams, The Spirit of Youth and the City Streets. 
G. Stanley Hall, Youth, ch. 6. 



CHAPTER XIII 

SEQUENT TENDENCIES. MORAL AND RELIGIOUS 
DEVELOPMENT 

DEFINITION OF MORAL TENDENCY. — Of the many 
„., . current definitions of morality perhaps one of the 

What are - x x 

theessen- most significant is that which calls it the intelligent 
mom/it ? choice °y the individual of habits of action for the 
good of the group. 
Intelligence a factor. — It should be noticed that at least 
five things are involved in this conception. Intelligence 
implies that an individual, to be moral, must know the 
accepted standards of right and wrong. On this account 
the very young child or a feeble-minded person is obviously 
not moral. The first needs instruction, the second may not 
be able to profit by it. So, too, from the stranger in a com- 
munity, be he newly arrived immigrant, freshman at college) 
pupil in a new school, or rural visitor in a city home, breaches 
of social customs are tacitly ignored while the newcomer is 
allowed a period in which to shed his greenness. No plea of 
ignorance of the law is sufficient, however, to enable the adult 
citizen to escape the penalties of breaking it. Tr ainin g in 
morality will include then (i) instruction in desired standards, 
(2) the formation of ideas of righl and wrong by empirical 
means. 

Personal choice. —A second constituent o\ morality is 

personal choice. This involves a motive and a decision rather 

than a blind keeping of the law. A hypnotized subject or a 

i '. patient are extreme cases cA people whose actions may be 



Sequent Tendencies. Moral, Religious Development 225 

conformable to law but who entirely lack individual motiva- 
tion and impulse. Their outward conformity is therefore 
not moral. In this matter we should not make the mistake 
of supposing that a routine compliance with orders on the part 
of any one, together with an absence of thoughtful decision or 
purposeful control of emotions, is moral. Our complaisant 
adult conduct is, however, largely of this type. Most of us 
have not chosen to refrain from murder, theft, arson, and the 
like ; we have simply not had the occasion for such conduct 
arise opportunely. In fact, were such occasion now to present 
itself, especially without a strong emotional setting or appeal 
to an instinct, we should probably refrain, not from any moral 
choice, but from sheer inertia with regard to a non-habitual 
line of action. Our law-abidingness, then, has never risen to 
the moral level with respect to these and many similar things ; 
it is merely non-moral. Not that this neutral, non-moral 
conduct is valueless : quite the contrary, it has its main social 
utility in that it constitutes a stabilizing force helping to con- 
serve standards, restrain or support the weaker ones among us, 
and provide the stepping stone to higher levels. As individual 
preparation for dealing with new situations, however, espe- 
cially in moments of strong emotional urge, it is dangerous 
in its narrowness. Training, then, must provide opportuni- 
ties to reason and to choose in matters of right and wrong con- 
duct, or else children cannot learn independence of will nor 
acquire clear vision of ethical values. 

Individual responsibility. — The third requisite in morality 
is to have responsibility thrown upon the individual. Each 
must stand accountable for his own deeds, learn his standards, 
do his own choosing. In this matter no moral person may 
shelter behind the community as a whole, nor behind any 
other person in the guise of counselor or friend, nor behind 
any institution. Each, as he comes to years of discretion and 
elects to whatsoever small unit of society such as club, politi- 
cal party, church, profession he will give his adherence, by 



226 Psychology of Childhood 

thus pledging his loyalty, takes a definitely moral stand, and 
shares the responsibility for the good of that unit and for its 
value to the larger social group of which it is a part. Should 
his greater intelligence show him ways in which his unit is 
running counter to the general social good or is failing to 
further it, it devolves upon him to point out that fact and to 
help make such changes in policy and function as will carry 
his vision into reality. Should a person have charge of others, 
the morals of leadership imply that he look out for the well- 
being and the well-doing of his followers ; in that case he must 
expect blame or praise for others' acts as well as for his own. 
Moral education will have to include (i) the refraining, on the 
part of adults, from giving directions or advice too freely, 
(2) the intrusting of special commissions to children, (3) posi- 
tions of command and care of others. 

Habituated action. — : The fourth fundamental in morality 
is action. In fact morality is in its very essence, action, 
and, moreover, habits of action rather than isolated acts. Too 
often a person prides himself, not only on the things he doesn't 
do, but on the beautiful sentiments or the fine ideas he has 
either in the abstract or those which criticize other people's 
conduct. But ideas and sentiments without expression other 
than in words whether oral or in print do not begin to give us 
morality any more than steam from the spout of the kettle will 
accomplish anything; both have to be directed, transformed 
into working power. A quite limited intelligence backed by 
earnest effort may produce a constructively moral character 
provided the individual lives out the best that he knows. 
But to have the knowledge, the vision, and to fail in living, 
up to it — to have the power and the insight and to neglect 
to use them for the social good, is more than the negative act 
of a shirker. It is as positively immoral deliberately to re- 
frain from a recognized good as it is to go and poison one's 
neighbor, a truth we have frequently heard proclaimed and 
at last are beginning to realize. 



Sequent Tendencies. Moral, Religious Development 227 

Further, an occasional moral act does not make a man moral 
or the reverse. Character is composed of fixed tendencies 
or habits rather than of spasmodic deeds. A woman who 
has once refrained from slandering her neighbor is not thereby 
virtuous any more than the youth who has taken one drink 
of whisky is an alcoholic. Perhaps our thinking is not yet 
sufficiently clear on this point, for we unfortunately are apt 
to condemn a girl permanently for one lapse from chastity, 
and to condone all a wastrel's offenses for one act of bravery. 
Particularly should we be cautious in passing judgment as 
final on characters still in the making, of penalizing an ado- 
lescent for a few misdeeds, or of affixing derogatory adjectives 
as labels on to the persons of immature human beings in con- 
sequence of single immoral acts. Likewise, we should not 
rest content with instilling moral precepts, nor with hearing 
professions of idealism, nor with supervising a few perform- 
ances of moral acts. We must enlist the children's coopera- 
tion in the long process of habit-forming with all that that 
means in the way of perseverance, provision of extra chances 
to practice the virtue, and eternal vigilance against exceptions. 

Social relationship. — The fifth constituent of morality, 
already touched on, is that action shall be for the social good. 
Not all conduct, then, has a moral bearing ; but no conduct 
which has a social effect either immediately or more remotely 
can escape being either moral or immoral. To overeat, to 
sit up constantly till 1 a.m., to invite injury through negli- 
gence while engaging in sports may be, at first blush, a purely 
individual matter and non-moral ; but in so far as they impair 
the efficiency of one's services to society such acts are immoral. 
Clearly too, habitual indulgence in actions having a deleterious 
effect upon one's work is more immoral than is any single act ; 
likewise a deliberate repetition of conduct realized as having 
a harmful consequence is worse than a chance repetition. 
Training in morality will include observation of the effect 
of others' actions on one's self, so that by application of the 



228 Psychology of Childhood 

Golden Rule only such actions will be chosen as have a de- 
sirable effect on others. 

Historic changes. — The term ''social good" must be taken 
in a relative sense, however. Standards of good differ first 
of all with the age in which one lives and the degree of civili- 
zation reached. To eat one's enemy, to kill one's aged grand- 
parent, to burn a heretic alive are no longer considered moral 
acts though they all were permissible at one time or another. 
At present we are convinced that dueling and slave-holding 
are not for the social good, and are in the early stages of realiz- 
ing that sweat-shop conditions, the holding of food monopolies, 
and the advertising of quack medicines are likewise immoral. 
To-day we feel that actions reaching the mental or spiritual 
life are more influential morally than those touching merely 
the physical. Thus, treachery is less easily forgiven than is 
a murder committed in a lust of rage. Suggestively vicious 
moving pictures are worse for the adolescents of a community 
than is negligence resulting in a typhoid epidemic. 

Racial differences. — Racial and national differences in 
moral standards also exist. Hatred of lying, ideas of honor, 
reverence for the old or weak, for instance, are not the same 
among Chinese, Scotch, and Italian's ; marriage and divorce 
laws are different in England, Turkey, Japan, and various 
parts of America. 

Size of group. — The relativity of moral standards depends 
not only on the age and nation in which one lives but upon the 
size of the community one considers. An act non-moral for 
an individual in a small family becomes immoral for any one 
living with two hundred others in an institution. A single 
family living isolated on a mountain may dispose of its gar- 
bage, sewage, and waste in any way it chooses; not so the 
family living in a small town. The town may use a near-by 
stream for sewage disposal, but not the city situated upstream 
from another city. Only recently, however, have we begun 
to suspect that if it is immoral for an individual to lie, steal, 



Sequent Tendencies. Moral, Religious Development 229 

and murder, it is also immoral for a corporation, a society, a 
nation, to do these things. Our social horizons and our esti- 
mates of what is moral widen and stretch together. Moral 
training will necessitate, therefore, introducing children into 
wider and wider social environments, as well as instructing 
them, presenting opportunities for choice, throwing increas- 
ing responsibility on them, and insisting on actions being co- 
ordinated into habits. 

Distinction from immorality. — If morality consists in these 
things, then to be an ignorant follower, or to live in isolation 
may leave one non-moral ; but to know right and what is im- 
wrong and choose the wrong, or to choose in thought moralit y ? 
merely and refrain from doing the right, to habituate conduct 
by a narrow gauge only makes one immoral. What can be 
said of those who can think, but carelessly don't consider the 
maximum social good? Or who think but stop short of de- 
cision? Or who have ability but shirk responsibility? In 
these matters perhaps most of us have not " done growing." 

Dependence on instinct. — To the question whether there 
is a single instinct that could be called the moral instinct the 
answer surely is that there is not. Morality is is morality 
certainly acquired. Many instincts contribute to innate? 
its growth ; innate tendencies that are primarily social soon 
become modified by contact with other human beings, emo- 
tions are gradually controlled and utilized in one way or an- 
other, but all this is a process of learning. Little children 
find that certain impulses that tend to further individual 
satisfaction come into conflict with other impulses which tend 
to further the good of the group, — the family, the playmates, 
the working unit ; thus occasions are provided for choice and 
inhibition of one set of impulses rather than the other. 
Whether children become moral or immoral depends upon the 
way in which their original tendencies are modified. Their 
" conscience " is the outcome of education in a community 
and will, of necessity, reflect its standards ; but the concepts 



230 Psychology of Childhood 

and ideals are only gradually formed as their knowledge and 
experience is extended. 

Questions for Discussion 

1. What moral responsibility is involved after you have realized 
such things as the following: (a) that a large class passes more 
easily from a room if the movable seats and book-rests are turned 
back and the doors opened wide? (b) that to spit is unsanitary? 
(c) that a station platform is dangerously narrow for the crowds 
that use it? (d) that obscene picture postals are being sold near 
your school? (e) that you are over- working? 

2. Under what circumstances is it non-moral or immoral to 
(a) drop candy- wrappings, fruit skins, nut-shells, etc., wherever 
one is eating? (b) to conceal the fact that one has tuberculosis? 
(c) to delay decision in a plan of action? (d) to read novels or do 
nothing every afternoon for a month ? 

3. Are these things moral or otherwise? (a) total abstinence 
from alcoholic drinks, (b) loyalty in a partisan way to such things 
as "the gang," a secret society in high school, (c) ignorance of the 
civic health regulations. 

4. What do your answers to the preceding three questions sug- 
gest as to requisites in the moral training of children? 

5. In what way is a child brought up alone likely to be deficient 
morally ? Why*? 

6. In what ways is "self-government" among a class of fifth 
grade children of approximately the same age unnatural ? 

RELIGIOUS TENDENCY. — Meaning of the term religion. 
Religion is harder to define than is morality. Menzies calls 
„,, . . it " the worship of unseen powers from a sense of 

What is im- , ,, _ r r . , ,. . 

plied in the need. Stratton says one might say that religion 
ff r 7 n " J . r f" is an appreciation of an unseen world, usually an 

llal0n ? 1. -r < *4t 1 " , , 

unseen company. James puts it. "' We and God 
have business with each other, and in opening ourselves to 
His influence our deepest destiny is fulfilled. . . . In the sober 
moments of life every man instinctively appeals to or leans 
upon the larger and stronger spirit whom he. perhaps vaguely, 



Sequent Tendencies. Moral, Religious Development 231 

regards as the original and final authority over the affairs of 
men." 1 Religion is not to be identified with the performance 
of many acts of public and private worship, nor with the pos- 
session of information about religious literature, history, and 
theology, nor with susceptibility to emotional transports, 
though in the popular mind the term " a religious person " 
may easily call up a mental image of an adept in any one of 
these three lines. It is true that religion does involve acts, 
knowledge, and feelings, since religion is a way of living. Its 
peculiarity as a way of living is in its point of reference to some 
power or powers other than human with which man has some 
kind of relationship. It will be seen that roughly this descrip- 
tion fits the Moslem, the witch doctor, the Parsee, the Pres- 
byterian, the modern Japanese, the Jew, the Hindu, the 
Quaker, the Catholic, and many other types equally well. 
Coe says, " Religion exists at all because men find themselves 
and their world standing over against each other in an antith- 
esis, even opposition, that needs to be resolved. . . . The re- 
ligious impulse is thus toward the progressive unification of 
the man with himself, his fellows, nature and all that is. It 
is man's effort to be at home in his world and with himself." 2 
Religion, then, is the unification of life in terms of principles 
which prove themselves true. It is the regulation of life by 
ideals of universal and everlasting truth. It is the attempt of 
the human being to live the best that is in him, to be the best 
that he can ; and that attempt comes only through communion 
with the Infinite. To live as children of God is man's highest 
realization of self, and it is the essence of religion. 

The expressive formal acts universally recognized as reli- 
gious include seclusion for purposes of meditation and intro- 
spection, fasting, the need of objective symbolic objects, self- 
torture, burial customs, collecting of sacred literature, pubic 
initiations, pilgrimage, prayer of all types from mere incanta- 

1 Varieties of Religious Experience. 

2 Coe, Education in Religion and Morals, pp. 200-201. 



232 Psychology of Childhood 

tions up to friendly communion, sacrifice, concerted worship, 
including the use of music, fasting, dancing, various rites and 
ceremonies. 

On the emotional side we have the feelings of fear, wonder, 
awe, reverence, sense of mystery, filial relationship, gratitude, 
fellowship, assurance of safety, peace and love, sympathy for 
suffering, enthusiasm for living for a cause. 

On the intellectual side the instinct shows itself in a con- 
sciousness of increasing uneasiness, a realization of a gap be- 
tween what is and the ideal. This duality, disturbance, op- 
position, is resolved as salvation from wrong by the deliberate 
connection with the higher : the Ideal beyond limitations is 
postulated as the only Real. The self is identified with this 
higher Ideal, which in turn is probably identified with the 
force operating in the universe at large. All feel that this 
force exists and functions, though the various religions and 
theologies may differ in their belief of the nature of this force 
and the way in which it acts. The first idea of God may arise 
from observation of the forces of nature, in other words ani- 
mism. Belief in the immortality of spirits is the next stage, 
with its accompaniments of ancestor worship, superstitions, 
fetichism, incantations, and magic. Local and tribal deities 
are adopted, then national deities with assigned seasons and 
places of worship. As the tribal god inspires to loyalty, so 
the national god inspires to righteousness. From a zoomor- 
phic conception man passes through polytheism, an anthro- 
pomorphic conception, symbolic presentation to a philosophic 
concept as Final Cause or as Power making for righteousness. 
This brief survey of religious tendencies give- some indica- 
tion of how we might expect children to develop if left 
un guided. 

Essentials. — 1. To be religious requires, first, that the indi- 
vidual, through experience, realize the inadequacy of various 
endeavors; the lack of adjustment between man and man: 
the warfare within himself between a 1 tetter and a worse 



Sequent Tendencies. Moral, Religious Development 233 

self ; the need to explain and account for nature. Religious 
instruction, which is mere telling, giving information, will 
not meet this need. Religion, the progressive and 
the final adjustment, is Life, and Life means action, theessen- 
The feeling of maladjustment must arise from ac- t^m 
tual living, not from mere head-knowledge, other- 
wise the individual may be non-religious but he could never 
be truly religious. The value of law, the need of human sym- 
pathy, the meaning of divine love, the function of punishment, 
the dependence of the individual upon others and upon un- 
seen, often unknown, forces, — -all these facts and many others 
must come to the child growing up in human communities. 
Too much protection and care often prevents wholesome 
experience. Dogma and creeds are accepted when not under- 
stood, and the normal questioning and investigation that 
would have led to a true realization of some of life's problems, 
are snuffed out. 

Realization of opposing forces. — 2. With the realization 
of the inadequacy of responses along the lines indicated, there 
must be present a desire to make things " better," to have 
things what they are not. In other words, there must be 
ideals — ■ ideals real, vital, ideals that can influence conduct. 
Of course they will vary with the maturity and surroundings 
of the individual. From childish ideals and principles such 
as of being "Papa's brave boy," and of " God who is just like 
a big Santa Claus who wants me to be good " ; or of explain- 
ing thunder storms by saying " God is rolling barrels " ; or 
of sharing with sister because she shared with me yesterday, 
we progress to these ideals of living as taught and lived by 
Christ, and to the laws of nature and society as evolved by 
science. 

Habits, knowledge, and thinking. — 3. As in morality, knowl- 
edge, thinking, and habits are all necessary and for the same 
reasons as there discussed. Since religion is a matter of con- 
stant, steady living towards an end, habit must control. Real 



2,34 Psychology of Childhood 

control involves thinking, and without knowledge thinking 
goes astray and some habits cannot be formed. Further, 
unless religion is the outgrowth of judgment, of choice, it is 
blind, — not rational, — it does not take in the whole man, 
and therefore is not true religion. 

Religion includes morality. — From this it will be seen 
that religion, in its true and biggest sense, includes morals. 
A man cannot seek to unify life in accord with ideal ends 
without working with that phase of it which requires the ad- 
justment of man to man, which we mean by the term " moral- 
ity." It is hard to see how a man could be really religious, and 
yet be immoral. On the other hand, it is possible for a man 
to be truly moral without being fully religious. He may unify 
his experiences in regard to his fellow creatures under moral 
laws ; but he has taken into consideration only one phase of 
life, he has not reconciled the opposing forces along other 
lines, and therefore is not religious. Morality, included in 
religion, is a stepping stone to it, but morality is not religion. 
Religion is Life at its broadest and best. It is man finding 
himself in God. This ideal requires every power of the human 
being to think, to feel, and to do ; all are required in this 
greatest problem of the human race. 

Connection with instincts. — As in the case with morals, 
the question as to whether or not man is naturally religious 
is there an has been hotly debated ; it is far from settled yet, 
original root perhaps less settled even than the other question. 
of religion? j^ gome of ^ ^^ j^^^ contribute to the 

development of religion cannot be doubted. Some of the 
most important are curiosity, the sex instinct, the aesthetic 
instinct and fear; kindliness, gregariousness, satisliers and 
anno) rrs, low of being a cause, all help, in fact, the last named 
tendency in its subtle responses in the secondary connections 
is a large factor. It is probably responsible for the power to 
idealize, and therefore for the power to think of a God. The 
fact that such activity in these secondary connections is satis 



Sequent Tendencies. Moral, Religious Development 235 

fying makes man want to improve his conduct, make it 
measure up; for that element is an intrinsic part of every 
ideal. The working together of our experiences, and the 
instinctive responses from which in time evolves the conscious- 
ness of a separate and distinct personality are also large factors 
in developing religion. Without an independent personality 
there could be no religion. This much practically all students 
of child psychology would grant. However, some of our 
scholars will go further. Coe says, 1 " Man has a religious 
nature. The definite establishment of this proposition is 
perhaps the greatest service that the history and psychology 
of religion have performed." " To speak positively, the pos- 
session of a positive religious nature implies three things; 
(a) that a child has more than a passive capacity for spiritual 
things. ... A positive spiritual nature goes forth sponta- 
neously in search of God. (b) That nothing short of union 
with God can really bring a human being to himself. . . . 
Failing to find Him we lose even our self, (c) That the suc- 
cessive phases in the growth of the child personality may be,, 
and normally are, so many phases of the growing consciousness 
of the divine meaning of life." 

Need of training. — Whether we agree with the foregoing 
statement or not there can be no doubt that in original nature 
somehow or other are formed the roots from which i s there any 
religion develops. It may be that religion is the re- need to train 

, . , ,. , . -ii 1 an d develop 

suit of the working together of various subtle tend- the religious 
encies in the secondary connections, such as Dr. im Puise? 
Coe's explanation suggests ; or it may be that as the main 
taproot of morality is formed in the instincts of kindliness 
and self-gratification, so the taproots of religious nature will 
be found to be goodliness and self-gratification. The main 
thing for us as students of child psychology to bear in mind is 
that children have a religious nature. To ignore it is to de- 
prive them of some of their inheritance, — after all, the most 
1 Coe, op. cit., pp. 37, 62. 



236 Psychology of Childhood 

important part. But the fact that children have by original 
nature a religious impulse, is no reason to suppose that they 
will grow up religious, or that they will necessarily have any 
conscious religious experience or realization of God. This 
tendency needs developing, pruning, directing, feeding, just as 
any other does. All children have the kindly instinct, yet how 
many brutes there are, and how many more who are never 
rationally moral. We all have the instinct of curiosity, yet 
how few of us become scientists. Much and careful training 
is necessary before a child grows up into a truly religious adult. 

Questions for Thought and Discussion 

1. What evidence can you get, by introspective recall or by 
observation concerning children's ideas of God, which might sup- 
port the culture epoch theory ? 

2. Did you ever invent a god, an idol, or a ritual of your own? 
If so, at what age? Have you known of this in other children? 

3. Comparing several religions, what instances can you give of 
the sex instinct being controlled or sublimated by religious emo- 
tion, or of religious rites and practices degenerating into sexual 
orgies? What possibilities does this suggest for the training of 
adolescents? 

4. At what ages, if any, have you felt in yourself or seen in 
others impulses to improvise sacrifices, to institute some form of 
blood covenant, to use self-torture, to indulge in a dreamy mys- 
ticism, to start out to reform the world, to overestimate the use 
of symbols, to organize a philanthropic cult or society? 

TRAINING IN MORALS AND RELIGION. Principles 
concerned. — As has been shown, there arc various essentials 
Whatpsy- involved in religion and moral-. A way of living 
choiogkai to include relationships with a higher being and 
involved w ' tn one ' s fellows implies the development of the 
in moral intellectual, volit iona 1. and emotional aspects of 
children's nature-. They must be informed, they 
must think, the\' must choose, they must gain independence 



Sequent Tendencies. Moral, Religious Development 237 

of thought and choice, they must be inspired and motivated, 
they must act, and act consistently. The self must be ori- 
ented with regard to other human beings and the higher 
powers. Since there is no one thing recognizable as the moral 
or the religious instinct, but simply the whole self employed 
about moral and spiritual matters, and as education is a uni- 
tary and continuous process, it follows that there is no special 
education to be termed moral or religious ; it is merely one 
aspect of the whole. Its material may vary slightly but 
scarcely its methods, since it deals with the same highly com- 
plex organism of feelings, affection, impulses, aspirations, 
habits, and intellectual capacities as do other aspects of edu- 
cation. No new psychological laws are needed, therefore. 
However, since we are conscious that many adults remain on 
low moral levels in all sorts of ways due to defective training 
or inadequate environment, it may not be amiss to emphasize 
a few of the most important factors in the development of 
children during the non-moral and transition periods. 

Laws involved are not new. — First. It must be continually 
and forcibly emphasized that the same laws do apply in the 
development of moral and religious responses that apply in 
the development of any other type. Most people even to-day, 
if one can judge from observing the training of children in 
these fields, believe that some mysterious force reigns here, 
and that although every law of child psychology and every 
law of teaching be broken, yet faith and prayer will make 
children both moral and religious. Witness the subject 
matter, the methods, the material used in the majority of our 
religious schools, Jewish, Catholic, and Protestant, save the 
few progressive ones. Where is the motivation, the interest, 
the provision for initiative and motor expression which are 
considered so important in the secular schools? How many 
of the teachers who serve Sunday after Sunday would be 
tolerated in a day school? How many parents who declare 
their inability to teach their children arithmetic or history 



238 Psychology of Childhood 

yet do not question for a moment their ability to teach them 
to be moral, God-fearing men and women ? The fact is that 
instead of being easy, this problem is one of the most difficult 
of child education, because of its complexity. It is surely 
one of the most important, because the effect of training and 
environment is more influential here than in the field of in- 
tellect. Parents are, to a large extent, responsible for a child's 
character because it is the result of his environment, whereas 
his intellect is a result of heredity over which they have less 
control. In the field of morals and religion perhaps more 
than in others we need to apply our scientific knowledge of 
the development of the child. We need further to apply all 
our methods and principles of good teaching. We need con- 
tinually to bear in mind that this field is in no way innately 
different from others, for it involves all others and is involved 
in every other. 

Second, the existence of the law of apperception is often 
overlooked entirely in planning for a child's education in re- 
ligion and morals. When this law is ignored, teaching is 
futile, no matter what the field. Here, just as in every other 
phase of child development, progress is gradual, and is limited 
by the content of the child's experience. It must be from 
known to unknown — the unknown interpreted in terms of 
the known, here as elsewhere. A child's maturity, his expe- 
rience, his interests and ideals, his habits, his knowledge de- 
termine his growth and interpretation in religion and morals 
just as surely as they do in arithmetic or literature. Why, 
because adults enjoy thinking of children as little lambs, 
should the self-respect of a twelve-year-old be injured by hav- 
ing him join in singing a request to be made a lamb? Or, for 
the same reason, why should six-year-olds be compelled to 
memorize the twenty-third psalm with its unfamiliar meta- 
phors and mature experience? Again, to appeal to motives 
of abstract righl in Sunday School is do more effective than to 
appeal to those same motives in day school. To expect a 



Sequent Tendencies. Moral, Religious Development 239 

child to be governed by moral abstractions, or to appreciate 
them, when his advancement in science is still in the nature 
study stage, and in arithmetic he is still using apples and pen- 
cils and boards, is silly. And yet in our choice of subject 
matter that is just what has happened over and over again 
in these departments. The teachings of the fourth gospel, 
the Beatitudes, in fact, much of Pauline theology has been made 
the subject matter of Sunday School lessons for children in 
the primary and junior departments. This material embodies 
the highest moral and religious ideals of the adults of a highly 
intellectual people. It contains much more than many mature 
minds can grasp ; how then is it possible for children to get 
anything from it save misconceptions ? Such abstractions and 
ideals must grow gradually from knowledge and experience. 
To be shocked when a little child tries to bargain with God, — 
"if God will give me a pony, I will be a good boy," is simply 
to show complete misunderstanding of child nature. God, 
religion, other people, — are simply for the child's own use 
and pleasure, at first. His attitude is the same towards all 
his world. To put adult prayers and purposes into a child's 
life before he can possibly appreciate or understand them — 
when his general life is quite contrary to them — is useless, 
even dangerous. 

On the other hand, why confine a ten-year-old to nothing 
but stories when in his fifth grade day-school work he has been 
introduced to so much more? And why omit the character 
studies, debates, literary criticisms, historical outlines for the 
sixteen-year-old when they are so familiar a feature of high 
school study ? To fail to go on to the unknown, to stay with 
the known to the point of nauseating boredom, is no way to 
use the law of apperception. Again, what a foolish procedure 
it is in the treatment of morally delinquent adolescents, who 
of all others need special training, to subject them to the con- 
stant direction due the five-year-old, or to such rigid " military 
discipline," in isolation from the other sex, that they never 



2-4 o Psychology of Childhood 

get the privilege of choice nor the empirical consideration of 
group needs that normal life in the teens brings. In religious 
and moral matters, as elsewhere, dependence on growth and 
experience must be the guiding principle in planning a child's 
education. 

Third, the important place occupied by suggestion in this 
field of moral and religious training should not be forgotten. 
The human personalities surrounding a child are the chief 
source of the suggestions which to such a large extent influence 
his habits and mold his ideals. The baby by reflex imitation 
shares the moods and emotional attitudes of those about him ; 
later, conscious imitation finds its material in the actions and 
words of his companions. Chums, characters in books, on 
the stage, in history, in public life offer suggestions of tre- 
mendous importance. People do tend to grow like those with 
whom they constantly associate. The more immature the 
character, the more this is true. Hence the vital importance 
of having little children surrounded by people whose moral 
and religious lives are worthy to be copied, for copied they 
surely will be, both consciously and unconsciously. Hence 
the need of having the friends of childhood and adolescence, 
and the characters, whatever their source, that are held up to 
admiration those whose habits and ideals are good. So im- 
portant is this matter of the power of suggestions furnished 
by characters in the child's environment that some psychol- 
ogists will go so far as to claim that a child's moral character 
is set before he enters the schoolroom. 

Fourth, as regards habit formation. Law of effect. — One 
of the strongest factors in fixing habits of all kinds is pleasur- 
able results ; to have punishment follow violation of a desirable 
habit or an exhibition of its opposite is not nearly so effica- 
cious. Punishment is a negative procedure, and results in a 
cessation of the desired response as soon as the punitive 
measure is removed. Positive satisfaction connected with 
the SOUght-for response is the method far to be preferred. 



Sequent Tendencies. Moral, Religious Development 241 

This means that the environment must furnish satisfaction 
of some kind when the child is truthful, obedient, generous, 
self -controlled, helpful. Somehow or other, Sunday must 
be a day to which he looks forward with pleasure ; and church- 
going, prayer, and other religious observances must have an 
interest attached. The social habits formed in the early 
years must be put on the same level as all other habits and 
treated in the same way. Responses that bring satisfaction 
are the ones which are stamped in, whether moral or immoral. 
The child having no power of discrimination, no distinct 
moral sense, welcomes with equal readiness responses leading 
to criminal habits and responses resulting in upright living. 
The element he instinctively responds to is satisfaction. If 
that is present, then the response will, to his mind, be worth 
while. Of course what brings satisfaction must vary with 
the age of the child and his previous experience. 1 The motives 
appealed to will vary from obtaining the physical pleasure of 
eating candy to satisfaction from the belief in divine approval. 
The essential part to be borne in mind is that the desired re- 
sult is a real satisfaction to the particular child. Because 
the motive appealed to influences children in general, or be- 
cause the response required is right, means nothing in getting 
a particular child to form a particular habit so that it will be 
permanent. 

Law of exercise. — Another part of the law of habit forma- 
tion most conspicuously neglected by the organizations that 
exist for imparting religious and moral instruction to children, 
is that of frequency. Really to know the formulae of mathe- 
matics, or the facts in history and literature, requires plenty 
of drilling, the expenditure of many hours a week for many 
weeks in the year with continual review and use in new ways 
as the years succeed each other. All this is well understood 
and provided for in the day school. But apparently in a total 
of fifty-two, perhaps of only thirty, hours in a whole year, 

1 Note Chapter V. 

R 



242 Psychology of Childhood 

each such hour given over to many and varied performances, 
much of it wasted by poor administration, our Protestant 
churches expect children to get hold of facts historical, literary, 
and doctrinal, formulae of public worship, to say nothing of 
inspiration towards right living. And, upon examination of 
the elaborate courses published by some of our leading houses 
or denominations, it is evident that next to no provision is 
made for any drill, repetition, or new use of material once pre- 
sented. A cycle of four to six years may go by before a child 
ever hears a given story a second time. This is an economic 
waste of machinery as well as a pedagogic error. 

Full neurone circuit to he used. — Fifth, in the field of morals 
and religion the danger that theory becomes divorced from 
practice is a very real one. As has already been shown, both 
morality and religion must be defined in terms of conduct. 
Ethics is not morality, nor is theology religion. A man may 
know the rules of conduct perfectly and yet be immoral. He 
may recite a creed or pass examinations in theology, and yet 
be irreligious. Too much of our time and energy has been 
used in developing the knowing side in religion and morals, 
while the conduct and the emotions have received but second- 
ary attention. It should be clearly understood that in no 
sense is it being suggested that conduct should be blind ; in 
fact, the reverse point of view was urged through the beginning 
of this chapter. On the other hand, knowledge which does 
not function in conduct is futile so far as religion and morals 
are concerned. Because instruction in morals and in religion 
is so often given as mere classroom exercises, as a matter of 
books and memory, it often happens that such instruction does 
not influence conduct. Vital instruction in these fields can 
only be given in connection with some living situation that 
calls for a response. Knowledge of facts is surely necessary 
in order that judgment may be exercised, but here as elsewhere, 
such knowledge means most when it is the natural answer to 
a question aroused by life situations. In this field we may 



Sequent Tendencies. Moral, Religious Development 243 

need to seek out, or to create opportunities for social expe- 
riences so as to provide a stimulating environment for the 
developing child and insure the realization of the familiar 
maxim " no impression without expression." 
i Sixth, individual differences count quite as much here as in 
other fields. Children will not respond to instruction and train- 
ing in religion and morals in just the same way any more than 
they will to instruction in history or science, in fact greater dif- 
ferences are likely to show in the former field than in the latter. 
Moral and religious conduct are both so tremendously complex, 
involving as they do intellect, emotion, and action, that the 
chance for variation in response is very great. Some children 
respond chiefly in terms of thought ; these are they who ask 
the questions so difficult to answer. Others trouble them- 
selves little with questions, with the whys and wherefores, 
but simply live as best they can. Still others respond by 
feeling. To them the mystical element in religion, the self- 
sacrifice for the sake of the group, makes its appeal. Each 
type of response is worthy, but each needs different treatment. 
Again, the difference in the power of suggestion over children 
of different natures offers another problem. Discussions of 
big moral problems, sex questions, questions of individual re- 
sponsibility may for one child be the very thing necessary to 
set him upon his feet and steady his judgment ; for another 
child in the same class, such discussion offers all sorts of sug- 
gestions which may be directly harmful. Hence the need of 
much individual instruction in religion and morals, and the 
danger of relying exclusively on classroom instruction, even 
of allowing any classroom instruction at all along some lines. 
Transfer of training. — Seventh, we have no right to expect 
in the realm of morals any direct transfer of a habit from one 
line to another dissimilar one with no focalization of an ideal, 
no learning how to stand the strain of attention. Because a 
child is courteous to one person it does not follow that he is 
polite to all others ; that he tells the truth in some situations 



244 Psychology of Childhood 

does not mean that he is veracious in reality ; that he is care- 
less, disorderly, or forgetful in some matters does not involve 
negligence of others. It was a wise mother who warned her 
six-year-old boy on the eve of a visit to relatives to mind and 
obey his aunt just the same as though it were mother ; but 
it was poor policy on the aunt's part to go off for the day 
omitting a similar precaution with regard to another adult 
left in charge. Here as elsewhere there must be training in 
holding the attention to difficult ideas, in formulating judg- 
ments in moral situations, in making many specific bonds 
between situation and response. 

Training and instruction at different ages. — There is 
obviously plenty of growth involved from the condition of the 
How must i n f ant t0 that of the moral and religious adult: 
training and and naturally, morality is not achieved in any 
Change a°s otner than a gradual way. Without a distinct feel- 
chiidren ing of self there can be little development, and this 
gwwo er ^ Q sense g rows but slowly, dependent as it is on 
memory, imagination, and the companionship of other people 
of all ages. Ideals, too, are generalizations ; and these take 
time to be formulated independently of the particular situa- 
tions and the immediate groups of experiences from which 
they arise. Ability to discriminate, judge, and reason is re- 
fined little by little. Habits are formed by degrees, especially 
the higher hierarchies concerned with wide social adjustment. 

Stages not sharply defined. —A careful survey of the years 
of growth will reveal several fairly well-recognizable stages of 
development. Be it understood that these stages are by no 
means sharply denned. Children do not pass magically from 
the first to the second with their eleventh or twelfth birthday ; 
nor do they pass completely, in all phases of their nature — 
habits, choices, ideals — from one stage to the next as one 
passes a milestone. Since these are stages of growth, here as 
elsewhere there is a gradual unfolding, ripening, becoming. 
With increased knowledge and larger scope oi judging, more 



Sequent Tendencies. Moral, Religious Development 245 

opportunity is given for conduct to be rationalized, rather 
than merely habituated. With increased age and a less 
sheltered, controlled home life, children are forced to individual 
thinking, testing, deciding, choosing. With a widening en- 
vironment, earlier standards may be recognized as temporary 
or inadequate, and a process, more or less explicit, of recon- 
struction may be set up. With frequent contact with all 
sorts of people inducing friction, emulation, dislike, admoni- 
tion, affection, and the like, motives change both in kind and 
in amount of impulsive power. But these changes come 
about unevenly, so that children may be, at one and the same 
time of their physical life, in all three stages with regard to 
different phases of their social and religious life. However, 
there are predominant characteristics of each stage more or 
less typical of different ages of childhood. 

Very early stage. — The first stage may be called the non- 
moral since at the beginning children are too young for rational 
choice, and their conformity to law is secured mainly by the 
law of effect modifying instincts into habits. In this stage 
such control is attained first by incidental pains and pleasures 
sequent to actions, second by the systematic administration 
of pains and pleasures by members of the society in which 
children find themselves. As imagination and memory de- 
velop the controlling factor is supplemented by the anticipa- 
tion of blame or praise, and still later by some sort of ideal. 
The emotions of young children which training may utilize 
are largely fear, love, and wonder. Children are extremely 
credulous in this first stage, accepting undoubtingly much of 
what is told them. They have a strong sense of the mysterious, 
too. The wind is felt but not seen, the light is seen but not 
felt, voices are neither felt nor seen, only heard ; so by analogy, 
it is not a far step to a postulating of a mysterious Being 
neither felt, heard, nor seen. As young children depend on 
adults for the needs of the body and for the need of love, so 
towards them the earliest trust, love, and reverence are directed. 



246 Psychology of Childhood 

Not only do adults relieve pain, they occasionally inflict it 
to bring about obedience; thus personality becomes the 
strongest factor in developing the sense of self, and a greater 
mystery than the forces of physical nature. Other persons, 
too, stimulate imitation and imaginative play. From the 
experience with these surroundings is born the " conscience," 
which inevitably reflects the customs, standards, and char- 
acters of those nearest. What is right, is what results in 
satisfaction to the children themselves and brings approval 
from other people. Little children need an atmosphere of 
love, trust, and social harmony, full and healthful provision 
for physical needs including rigid training in habits of regu- 
larity and cleanliness. They should find that it pays to do 
right, or to wait for the greater good, or to endure pains and 
disappointments bravely. Sense perception and love of 
nature should be cultivated and the formation of habits of 
obedience, truthfulness, courtesy, helpfulness begun. Stories 
of nature, myths, and wonder tales should intensify the emo- 
tions of awe and mystery, while God may be represented as 
something rather vague and distant rather than as an indul- 
gent parent. Almost invariably children form an anthropo- 
morphic concept of deity at this stage based on analogies of 
father and mother; beyond that, they may posit either a 
watchful presence judicially or beneficently inclined according 
to the teaching received, or a magic worker, or a confidante to 
whom they may chatter of the day's doings. It should be 
remembered that the main appeal in instruction should be to 
the emotional, imaginative, intuitive side rather than to the 
higher intellectual, presenting dogma which cannot be as- 
similated and may later have to be rejected. Children in 
this early stage may have simple habits of private and family 
worship inculcated, and begin before six to share in social 
worship with a large group also. 

This first stage is often called Qon-religious. True, fiom 
three to six years old a child may ask more questions about 



Sequent Tendencies. Moral, Religious Development 247 

the causes of things and the nature of God than the most 
erudite theologian can answer ; but this curiosity does not 
mark, necessarily, the beginning of either a scientist or a 
devotee. These questions, as also the early fears, personal 
attachments, and sociability, show us the line of least resistance 
for the development of a religious consciousness. How amaz- 
ing to the modern psychologist is the regret of Cotton Mather 
and others like him that a child under seven did not show much 
sense of sin nor concern for her soul's salvation ! Scarcely 
less arresting, however, is the spectacle of the pious ten-year- 
old who anxiously scans a line of conduct before embarking 
on it to see if it is right and acceptable to God, and who begs 
to be told of her faults that she may eradicate them. The 
normal mental activity of the first case, the healthy, animal- 
istic unconcern of the second, the morbid introspection of the 
third are none of them religious or irreligious, though from 
each may come a contributing factor to the later religious 
consciousness. 

Middle stage. — The age from six or seven to about ten 
forms part of what Kirkpatrick calls the period of competitive 
socialization, called also childhood by Chrisman, Whatisthe 
early childhood by Coe, boy- and girl-hood by formative 
Tigerstedt. perw 

Characteristics. — During these years children are influ- 
enced by a greater diversity of factors in their moral education 
than in the preceding years. They begin to go to school and 
to live more independently of their own family ; they meet and 
deal with many others near their own age. In their games 
and companionship with other children they form a rough 
ideal of give and take, of justice, fair play, and physical bravery. 
Being keen and zealous for their own rights and pleasures they 
soon come to guard against any actions of others that curtail 
these; but they find that their own deeds are in turn sub- 
mitted to the same jealous scrutiny by their playmates. Thus 
cheating in a game, or greediness, early rank, from the child's 



248 Psychology of Childhood 

point of view, as wrongs, undeniably if they themselves are 
the sufferers thereby, vaguely so if their fellows resent such 
conduct in them. From the pure individualism of the earliest 
years they progress to membership in a clique or gang the units 
of which may indeed quarrel and nag among themselves, but are 
at least united against outsiders. Thus, empirically, they adopt 
into their moral code as wrong, cruel teasing, the lie, excuse, 
tale-bearing, or cowardice that betrays a friend. Meanwhile 
their standards of courtesy, truth-telling in the abstract, obedi- 
ence, and those other virtues to which the adults about them 
may or may not be training them, are most likely quite unde- 
veloped, chaotic, or formulated in talking-machine fashion. 

At this age there is less unquestioning acceptance of what is 
taught, rather an awakening of incredulity due to an increas- 
ing desire for certainty. The interest shifts from wonder 
tales to true narrative, history, and hero tales'. There is a 
capacity for more prolonged attention, for greater responsi- 
bility, and particularly for a great deal of rote memorizing. 
The perceptive powers are still in advance of the reasoning. 
The moral sense is derived from custom ; shame arises not from 
the consciousness of having performed an unlawful deed, but 
from having been found out. Virtues are acquired by imitation, 
not by conviction. Approbation of one's social equals becomes 
gradually more important than that of those in authority, as 
many a teacher knows to her cost. There is a rising desire for 
independence. The idea of God is more that of a big Father 
than that of a big Man as in the preceding stage. Girls are 
more prone to superstitious beliefs than are boys, apparently. 

Their training and instruction must allow for these char- 
acteristics. As the character may be formed largely by sug- 
Whatprin- gestion and imitation, the surrounding personali- 
cipies should t i es must still provide the fitting material for the 

guide the . ~ . 

training in spontaneous expression of the child s highest sell. 
thispenod? Consistency, as well as correctness of example, is 
of the highest importance. Children soon see the discrepancy 



Sequent Tendencies. Moral, Religious Development 249 

between the teaching and actions of other people, and as this 
is a gap which needs closing in their own lives, it is well to 
present the example of " applied ethics " before creeds. 

There should be consistency too in the matter of rewards 
and punishments, so that the earlier desire to please others 
may be clearly directed to pass over into a conscious deter- 
mination to do what is known as the right. The habit of 
implicit obedience is still the foundation for later faith and the 
other virtues, though it begins now to be transformed into 
rational obedience. Self-control must be developed in newer 
and newer fields. They must learn that though there are 
many matters in which their preferences may be consulted, 
there are also very many occasions when " I don't like to," 
or " I don't want to " makes not a particle of difference to 
the necessity for action. Not to learn this lesson early is a 
tremendous handicap in the later, adolescent period. Adults 
should help children to distinguish clearly between times when 
they may choose what is to be done, and times when it is not 
a question of choice, only of loyal and prompt carrying out of 
orders. There must be an inexorable holding to account for 
deeds good or bad that children may feel the force of social 
law and individual responsibility. Impulses to mischief or 
teasing which result in unhappiness to others or harm must 
be inhibited in favor of impulses leading to generous, kindly, 
courteous behavior. Habits that are the foundations of later 
sexual purity must be formed and their opposites carefully 
guarded against. 

On the instruction side, the more realistic imagination, love 
of formalism and ritual, ready rote memorizing, curiosity in- 
stigating eyes and hands to explore are signals all too . 
frequently ignored in the direction of moral and ingcanbe 
religious teaching of children from eight years old aiveninthis 
on. During this period they should be approached 
mainly through action and feeling rather than through ideas 
and abstractions. It is easy to talk to children in symbolic 



250 Psychology of Childhood 

or abstract terms, but their daily experience is far behind in 
its degree of abstraction ; we should remember that symbols 
are appreciated only after the things for which they stand 
have been felt as realities. Meanwhile, children understand 
conduct in terms of personality ; morality for them is con- 
crete and immediate, to be lived rather than discussed. We 
should work with therq, o n^the active and practical rather than 
on the passively intellectlii^nd theoretical side. Action and 
feeling can be right before ^kcepts are formulated ; in fact, 
all concepts need this very broad basis of particular instances, 
even though they are moral and religious ideas. The natural 
childish curiosity in sex matters should be satisfied simply 
and with absolute veracity rather than met with refusal to 
answer or equivocation. Repression will lead only to their 
seeking, and usually getting, misinformation from impure 
sources, working harm that is difficult to undo ; evasion or 
falsehood will engender a distrust of the adult when later en- 
lightenment comes, and raise a barrier of silence perhaps never 
to be torn down in adolescent years when boys and girls need 
a wise confidante. Sex information shoi^y^ given inciden- 
tally, but simply and as a matter of course, '"changing the prob- 
able atmosphere of mystery into reverence, perhaps scientific 
interest and poetic appreciation. In imparting religious facts, 
catechisms and homilies should be replaced by a giving of 
information through dramatic stories of the duties and virtues 
expected at this age ; any code given must be true for all time, 
especially in its disciplinary values. It is cruel to teach reli- 
gious doctrines that cannot be understood, and that may haw- 
to be unlearned or rejected later. Advantage should be taken 
of the power of memorization to present the best of the sacred 
literature such as can be approximately grasped, and the poetic 
beauty of which can be partly appreciated. To fail to do 
this in the years before twelve is to deprive children of what 
they would otherwise come to look back upon as one of the 
most valuable means of arousing and sustaining their interest 



Sequent Tendencies. Moral, Religious Development 251 

in spiritual things. There is scarcely any limit that need be 
set to the degree of familiarity with the biography, history, 
and poetry of sacred writings. In them children have a birth- 
right such as they have not in the stories of the Odyssey or 
Iliad. Emotionally and inspirationally the effect of this 
early, everyday acquaintance with the literature and history 
of their religion is as noticeable as any other single thing in 
their environmental influence. Jfcbits of religious observance 
in the home, in public, and for^^rsonal use should be formed 
for immediate needs, though/ also as a safeguard in future 
upheavals. Regularity, simplicity, and dignity should be 
their main characteristics. 

This early, non-moral, non-religious stage passes imper- 
ceptibly into the transition period, beginning perhaps with 
pubescence, perhaps with early adolescence. This What are 
period is marked chiefly by the greater personali- thechar- 
zation of moral teachings, by an awakening self- °/tteare- 
consciousness in matters religious. Though be- pubertal 
tween ten and twelve children rarely tolerate much years - 
direct, individual application of moral truth, by fifteen a girl 
is frequently anxious for such ; and before the teens are past 
the great majority of personalizations have taken place for 
both sexes. Girls develop rather sooner than boys and tend 
to be more introspective and individualistic ; even before 
twelve their ethical sense will make possible a truly moral 
habit while boys seem still in the " barbarian age." For boys 
especially it is the time of the formation of the gang, for love 
of adventure, feats of skill bringing out courage and reckless- 
ness, later of love of teamwork. 

Training should provide many and varied outlets for physi- 
cal activity, should throw larger responsibility on habits of 
decision and choice, should recognize and direct the gang 
spirit in boys, providing and guiding social companionship 
rather than seeking to eliminate or suppress it. The dramatic 
and imaginative instincts may be appealed to in religious 



252 Psychology of Childhood 

ceremonies, the love of competition and rivalry by emphasis 
on progress. Instruction may still center around historical 
and literary characters, suggesting rather than formulating 
ideals. The interest in language so often shown in the use of 
a secret tongue, in enjoyment of puns, conundrums, epigrams, 
and the like has not been so widely utilized as it might have 
been. It may be the foundation of acquaintance with, and 
appreciation of, the wisdom literature ; but the teacher should 
ascertain that it meets a felt need in individual cases, and is 
not merely a matter of rote memory. 

Of the adolescent period we have many studies. Its main 
characteristics are well known since the exhaustive work of 
What Stanley Hall. Others who have contributed to 

changes are our knowledge of the development of the religious 
Nearly nt s ^ e °^ our nature at this time are Lancaster, Leuba, 
adoies- James, Daniels, Slaughter, Slattery, Coe, and Star- 
buck. A review of the more important bases for 
moral and religious education is all that is necessary now. 

Characteristics. — Rapid physiological changes take place, 
and these, together with the probable changes in home life and 
the sharing of wider community activities, make the period 
peculiarly difficult to live through with poise. Though there 
is already a large system of organized personal habits, yet 
strong, intense new impulses from within, fresh customs and 
standards without, the new feeling of individuality and the 
immaturity of the will combine to provide ordeals that test 
the adolescent in all sorts of ways. New possibilities open 
up in the way of emotions, interests, feelings of self, capacities 
for reasoning, reorganization of the personal life in its rela- 
tionship to the Divine and to the larger social wholes. There 
is a heightened sensitiveness to the phenomena of Nature, 
greater appreciation of the beautiful, the good, and the true, 
with the beginning of abstract questionings. The whole 
being is likely to be in a Ferment from twelve to sixteen, though 
temperamental differences are an important factor in deter- 



Sequent Tendencies. Moral, Religious Development 253 

mining the length and intensity of the emotional activities of 
the period. The social nature is being born, as it were, at a 
psychic crisis, so that at no time is there apt to be greater dis- 
parity between insight and power to act, between judgment 
and moral control ; at no time is the moral equilibrium more 
easily upset. 

What is known as the " storm and stress " period is char- 
acteristic of many. It may last from months to years and 
present one or more acute phases. Essentially it is that reali- 
zation of duality needing unification referred to earlier. Other 
individuals experience a very gradual, quiet religious awaken- 
ing, an orderly maturing of the ethical, intellectual, and aes- 
thetic nature while the progress in morals comes about im- 
perceptibly, keeping pace with the felt deeper meanings of 
the intellectual life till intelligence controls and directs the 
feelings. A third type are conscious of some definite surrender 
of personality to the Divine. This phenomenon, known as 
conversion, lasts in its various stages about one fifth the time 
that the storm and stress period lasts, so that, psychologically, 
it is much like a foreshortening or epitome of that experience. 
Conversions, awakenings spontaneous or special, storm and 
stress acute stage, or period of carelessness, come at about 
the same age, fifteen to seventeen for boys, fourteen or so for 
girls. The ages twelve to thirteen and nineteen to twenty 
are also critical from the point of view of an upheaval in 
conduct, emotions, or intellect. 

Treatment. — From all this consideration of the adolescent 
period there come some clear suggestions for the religious and 
moral education. In a general way it may be said How can the 
that the needs should be met fully at every point. " teen '\ a9e 

mi r i i • i ii boys and 

I he process of gradual, even, symmetrical growth guisbe 
should be aimed at rather than violent experiences hel P e ^ ? 
of any kind. It is better not to bring great pressure to bear 
from the environment towards definite religious experiences. 
With some natures these things are possible, with some they 



254 Psychology of Childhood 

are not, whereas development is possible for all ; and it is the 
part of wisdom to provide all things necessary for a normal 
growth rather than to attempt any surgical reconstruction 
of an individual. Much emotional excitement will only ag- 
gravate the less desirable features. 

A sane, healthy home atmosphere will be of the greatest 
possible help to the adolescent, with wise, sympathetic tolera- 
tion of any extremes and vagaries. The secretiveness so com- 
mon to both sexes makes it difficult to be certain, in individual 
cases, of the best channel through which to offer help. How- 
ever, the attitude of " common sense " on the part of the adult, 
of taking the boy's or girl's experiences as only natural, to be 
expected, as a matter of course — when they occur, not in- 
ducing them — ■ will do much to encourage openness with some 
natures and help counteract the agony of doubt or the morbid 
introspection. Some others are best helped by a treatment 
of their case as especially interesting though not dangerous, 
and not to be classed and massed with other typical cases. 
Either way, difficulties should be treated seriously, rather than 
minimized, and confidence inspired by wise counsel. Over 
70 per cent of girls have been alienated from their mothers 
at this period by a harsh, deprecatory, or tactless treatment. 

Authority should gradually relax and greater responsibility 
be thrown upon the individual. " Obey me " should become 
" Obey yourself." Boys and girls must learn to meet crises 
for themselves, to readjust their actions to the demands of 
the larger social unit of which they are coming to realize them- 
selves members. They must face and decide questions for 
themselves, and relate the value of their individual acts and 
immediate activities to the broader system oi morality which 
they can now appreciate. Problems should seldom be solved 
for them, but many interests should be provided, especially 
those leading to wholesome activities. A healthy body, 
plenty of mental occupation, and abundant outlet for physical, 
aesthetic, social, and ethical needs will help form habits of 



Sequent Tendencies. Moral, Religious Development 255 

untold value. Physical disturbances may be the sole cause of a 
morbid conscience which has, indeed, been described as a case 
of ' ' nerves . ' ' Action rather than theory should be emphasized . 

Foolish questioning may be replaced by wiser study, by 
careful direction of the reading, and by making opportunity 
for larger social service. At no time is the doctrine of " learn- 
ing by doing " more important, nor the need of living up to 
the faith of which one is possessed. Introspection and spiritual 
vivisection should yield to the impetus from within outward. 
" Something to love, something to know and something to do " 
is necessary for the unfolding nature. Personal friendships 
should be watched over, though discreetly at a distance, and 
guided and controlled as far as may be courteous and possible. 
Hero-worship in literature, history, or in current life may be 
partially directed at least by presenting and dwelling on char- 
acters worthy of such devotion. Abstract ideas may also 
be presented and ideals formulated; though, paradoxically, 
personality has a new meaning and influence. Broader 
studies should be gradually introduced in history, literature, 
and ethics. Sacred literature and religious history will give 
greater content to the individual experience. The Bible 
should be taught as literature still rather than as dogma, but 
in later adolescence doctrinal studies and the study of church 
history or of comparative religions will prove fruitful. In- 
struction in dogma and doctrine will be in place earlier with 
girls than with boys, and with some natures than with others. 
When doubts come, adolescents should be taught to be very 
patient and tolerant with them, and on no account to let them 
interfere with their morality. They must regard doubt not 
as extinction of belief, but as reconstruction with exclusions, 
a phenomenon of change of concepts. Historical and critical 
study of the Bible will be a help here, followed by philosophy 
and ethics. 

For boys especially, the organizing craze must be met 
successfully, and social companionship provided with some 



256 Psychology of Childhood 

physical activity as its immediate end. For both girls and 
boys, sex instruction is absolutely imperative; purity and 
consistency of life should be linked forever with their religious 
experience. Religion should pick up all tendencies which 
are organizing in a new way and give to them its own specific, 
deeper meaning. 

Only after the period of transition may we speak of the in- 
dividual as truly moral, when with maturity he brings his 
conduct into line with his reasoned choices. Though this 
merges into the adolescent period, and though in different 
aspects of personality there is a continual fluctuation from one 
period to the other, it lies mainly beyond the ages treated 
here, and so falls outside the scope of this study. 

Exercises 

1. Of what ages, roughly, are these statements x true? 

A. "There is a keen intellectual appetite for facts. The child 
wants to know of every story 'Is it true?' ... At this age the 
choicest literature can be memorized even though the meaning be 
only partially understood, . . . there is reasoning but not abstract, 
. . . concrete examples alone appeal. . . . Habits of conduct 
are rapidly formed, the proper motive for which may not be deeply 
felt. . . . The capacity for unselfishness is ... as yet only 
budding." 

B. "This age is characterized by a feeling of personal honor, 
by a keen sense of justice manifesting itself rather more in in- 
sistence upon one's own rights than in regard for duties to others, 
by a strong love for the heroic and desire to emulate it, by a long- 
ing for larger activities . . . especially by the growth of a sense 
of relationship to other persons. . . . Through other lives . . . 
the child may ... be led to find God in his or her own life." 

C. "Surplus energy is the most prominent feature . . . there 
is only a small amount of knowledge . . . undeveloped thought 
power and little power of attention. . . . This is the age in 
which the child is gathering knowledge not by study or thought 
but through the senses. ... Its training in ethical and reli 

1 Taken from the Bible Study Union Scries oi muals. 



Sequent Tendencies. Moral, Religious Development 257 

knowledge must be quite largely by concrete illustrations. . . . 
His desires are largely selfish, the teacher should therefore . . . 
appeal primarily to the feelings ... so that the child is led to 
want to do right. 

2. For what ages are the following materials or methods suit- 
able for religious instruction : 

Lives of heroes ; the history of religion ; myths and wondertales ; 
memorizing Psalms 19, 1; history in story form; fables and 
parables ; memorizing liturgical prayers ; history from the Exodus 
to 4 a.d. ; memorizing 1 Cor. 13, the Beatitudes ; memorizing 
hymns ; doctrinal teaching of the New Testament ; memorizing 
proverbs ; inspirational biographies ; literary study of single books ; 
sand-table maps ; crayon and picture pasting ; dramatic repre- 
sentation ; diagrams, charts, and statistical work ; stereoscopic 
views; map-drawing. 

3. Of what moral value is the "gang" tendency in the years 
10 to 15? 

4. What accounts for the constant disputes and bickerings of 
children from 9 to 13? Would you check it? Why, or why not? 

5. What is probably lacking in the moral education of children 
brought up in an institution run on the congregate plan ? 



Questions for Discussion 

What would you do with a child who is too easily influenced ? 
How would you deal with obstinacy in a little child ? 
What can you do for the very selfish fifteen-year-old ? 
How would you help cure exaggeration in a ten-year-old ? 
Give some suggestions for dealing with cruelty in a six-year- 
impudence in a twelve-year-old girl ; obscenity in the years 



1 

2 

3 

4 

5 
old 
eight to twelve ; bullying on the playground. 

References for Reading 

Third Year-book of the National Herbart Society, 1897. 

G. A. Coe, Education in Religion and Morals. 

W. B. Forbush, The Boy Problem. 

G. Hodge, The Training of Children in Religion. 

I. S. Wile, Sex Education. 

J. A. Puffer, The Boy and His Gang. 

M. Slattery, The Girl in Her Teens. 



CHAPTER XIV 

PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHILD 

GOOD HEALTH AS A SCHOOL RESPONSIBILITY. — 

It is a generally accepted educational principle that the 
school as well as the family has a definite duty 
heaithone w * tn re g ar d to the physical development of chil- 
of the aims dren. In discussion most teachers would admit 
school? tn ^ s principle, but in actual practice not half enough 
is being done for the health of children, despite the 
tremendous changes of the last ten years. Even compared 
with what has actually been accomplished in some of the 
European countries, we are lagging woefully in the rear. 
There are several causes for this state of affairs. First, ex- 
cept in the case of infectious diseases, the parents have the 
final word with regard to the physical side of child nature. 
The school can act in things intellectual and things moral (to 
some extent), but it is the prerogative of the home to decide 
in most things physical. For instance, the school authorities 
may say that the child must stay in this or that class, although 
even this power is limited in some directions ; they may sus- 
pend the child from school attendance for bad behavior, or 
perhaps send him to the truant school or the class for in- 
corrigibles; but when it comes to a child's need for glasses, 
or to have adenoids removed, or for different food, or for 
more exercise, — the school can do nothing but recommend, 
— the parents decide. Second, although convinced in theory 
that it is part of their duty to conserve the health oi the child, 
most teachers in practice allow the matter to be pushed into 
the background, or to be forgotten entirely by the pres.-ure 



Physical Development of the Child 259 

of the demands of lessons. The field is comparatively so 
new that its importance has yet to become vital, not only to 
teachers but also to parents. Third, the lack of free clinics 
for treatment of all kinds handicaps the work seriously in all 
but the large cities. It is generally acknowledged that, in 
rural districts, the physical health of children is worse along 
some lines than in urban districts, despite the crowded con- 
ditions of the latter. These three difficulties will have to be 
met before the physical side of child nature will receive its 
fair share of attention. 

Interdependence of mind and body. — The reasons for 
the responsibility of the school in this matter are, first, if the 
school is to train the minds of boys and girls, it must look 
after their bodies too, for the well-being of the one is depend- 
ent on the health of the other. We are slowly reinstating 
the aim of the ancient Greeks, " a sound mind in a sound 
body." Just how far the two are interdependent is a ques- 
tion not yet answered. How great a handicap is poor health, 
or the presence of various defects, or of unbalanced nervous 
condition, we do not know. That it is a handicap, that 
some defects are a very serious handicap, there can be no 
doubt. Consider the following facts. (1) Porter 1 found in 
his examination of 34,500 St. Louis school children that 
pupils of any age who were above their normal grade were 
heavier and taller than those of the same age who were below 
their normal grade. For instance, the average weight of 
11-year-old boys in the sixth grade was 73.34 lb.; in the 
fifth grade 71.29 lb.; in the fourth grade 69.24 lb.; in the 
third grade 68.12 lb.; in the second grade 65.45 lb.; and in 
the first grade only 63.5 lb. (2) Adult mental defectives are 
on the average more defective all round physically than normal 
men and women. (3) Warner 2 and Ay res 3 both found a 

1 Trans. Acad. Science, St. Louis, 6 ; 1894. 

2 Warner, The Study of Children, ch. 13. 

3 Ayres, Laggards in Our Schools, p. 125. 



260 Psychology of Childhood 

larger percentage of physical defects, of poorly nourished and 
nervous children among the dull than among average chil- 
dren. (4) The removal of certain physical defects and the 
improvement of health conditions have been followed in 
numerous cases by definite, and in some cases by remarkable, 
changes in mental capacity and moral balance. No attempt 
is being made to say which is cause and which effect in the 
first three lines of evidence quoted. The same general cause, 
— namely, heredity, — may underlie both the physical and the 
mental defect, but this argument will not apply to the last 
set of facts referred to. It seems fair at present to conclude 
that physical superiority usually accompanies mental capacity. 
Therefore if the school would do its duty by the child intellec- 
tually it must not only prevent the spread of infectious diseases, 
but also must take measures in the line of both preventive 
hygiene and positive treatment. 

Happiness depends on it. — Second:— one of the definite 
aims of education to-day is health, not merely because health 
gives greater possibilities for intellectual development but be- 
cause it makes for happiness. Emotions, temperament, morals, 
are all bound up very closely with health. Every child has 
a right to happiness, therefore give him health. Also every 
child has the right to be well-born. Much of the disease, 
deformity, and weakness in the world is a matter of inherited 
tendencies. In order that the next generation may be 
physically better than the present one, the children of to-day 
must be guarded, guided, and treated along all possible health 
lines. 

Economic conditions make it imperative. — Third: — the 
public schools are provided at state expense in order that the 
children of the state may be self-supporting citizens, contribut- 
ing in their adulthood to its development and prosperity. A 
school that because of a one-sided point of view, or because 
of an unfair division of time, or because of lack of apprecia- 
tion of its responsibilities, fails to achieve this end, pitiably 



Physical Development of the Child 261 

fails in its function. Of the thousands of incompetents who 
fall back on the state for support each year, the thousands 
always a drag and a menace, those found in the insane asy- 
lums, the jails, on the streets, how many of these are physi- 
cally unfit, and have been so since childhood ? Might not the 
teachers of these children have done more for them and for 
the community by discovering the physical trouble and 
maybe setting that right, than by any teaching which merely 
drills and informs the mind ? 

The organization and demands of the school make it re- 
sponsible. — Fourth: — a teacher must take cognizance of 
the physical side of child nature because in the school she is 
requiring certain tasks, forming certain habits, allowing 
certain opportunities, imposing certain deprivations, each of 
which procedures has its own dangers so far as the physical 
well-being of the child is concerned. The teacher must take 
measures to minimize the dangers, and if definite harm should 
result see to it that needed remedies are applied. Schools 
require that children learn to read : have they any right to 
ignore the resulting eyestrain no matter what the cause? 
Examinations are necessary in most schools, but teachers 
should know the attendant ills. Children must learn to 
write, but habits of posture which result in curvature of the 
spine are not necessary as a concomitant. Is it wise to re- 
quire much home study of certain classes or children if it is 
done under conditions which are definitely injurious to health ? 
The very tasks which it imposes, because they react upon 
or involve the physical child, force responsibility upon the 
school and its teachers for the health and growth of the 
children. Regard for health is not a matter of choice or of 
philanthropy, it is a logical outgrowth of the school's own 
requirements in other lines. All those who deal with chil- 
dren, teachers especially, must realize the importance of this 
problem of the physical development. So long as they are 
not alive to its significance, so long as they do not know the 



262 Psychology of Childhood 

facts of child development, so long as they are ignorant of the 
danger points of the causes of increased susceptibility, — 
just so long will the children, both of this generation and the 
next, suffer. 

PHYSICAL DIFFERENCES BETWEEN CHILDREN 
AND ADULTS. — As children differ from adults in all the 
what are intellectual and feeling processes, even so they 
'differences din * er m things physical. It is just as true that 
between " the child is not the man writ small " in health 
andadults and physical development as in intellectual fields. 
physically? Just as general adult psychology will not answer 
the problems concerning the mental and moral processes of 
children, so the hygiene of the adult will not meet the needs 
of the child. Just as we need a child psychology, just so 
do we need a child hygiene. The differences between the 
child and the adult on the physical side are tremendous. 
Some one has said that the child is about as much like the 
adult as the caterpillar is like the butterfly. How great that 
difference really is the student can fully realize best through 
intensive study of individual children. Terman says, " The 
child is different from the adult in every fiber, every blood 
corpuscle, every bone cell, and in the relative proportions of 
all his parts. His resistance to disease, his powers of re- 
cuperation, his food and sleep requirements are all unlike 
those of the adult. He is differently affected by every ele- 
ment of environment and regimen." 1 " The relative size 
and the balance of organs is not at all the same in the young 
child as in the adult. Roughly and approximately, between 
birth and maturity the muscles increase in weight about 
thirty-sevenfold; the lungs about eighteenf old ; liver, heart 
and kidneys about twelve or thirteenfold. The young child 
requires far more food and oxygen, and produces far more 
carbon dioxide, energy and waste for each pound of weight 
than the adult. ... If adults and children oi different 
1 Terman, The Bygiene of the School Child, pp. 47-48. 



Physical Development of the Child 263 

have different rates of mortality and morbidity, a different 
balance of organs, different relative incomes and modes of 
expenditure, in one word, a quite different metabolism and 
habits, it is surely not too much to say that they have dif- 
ferent constitutions and are leading different lives. They 
must be treated and trained quite differently. Inferences 
drawn from the life, habits and needs of one age may not 
apply at all at another. What is beneficial to the adult may 
harm the child; and the reverse is equally true." 1 Not 
only is the child totally unlike the adult physically, but a 
child of one age will differ to a great degree from one of 
another age. What may be healthful exercise at one time 
may be a serious strain at another. Work that is pleasurable 
to a little child may be the greatest bore to an older one. 
Diet that is eminently suitable for a four-year-old is quite 
insufficient for a ten-year-old. 

FACTS OF PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT. — What, then, 
are the important facts concerning the physical develop- 
ment of children? First, as to the factors operative in pro- 
ducing physical nature. 

Factors determining; heredity and environment. — There 
is great difficulty in assigning to each its share of responsi- 
bility because of the complexity of the problem. The in- 
ternal factors, such as sex, family, and racial heredity, and the 
external factors, such as food, freedom from disease, exercise, 
sleep, ventilation, relaxation, climate, season of the year, 
etc., are all operative all the time and are inextricably mingled, 
The general opinion of both medical men and anthropologists 
seems at present to be that heredity is the more influential 
factor in determining stature, time of puberty, general devel- 
opment in height, weight, and other dimensions, and resist- 
ance to disease. 

On the other hand this does not at all mean that environ- 
ment has no effect. If certain elements in the environment 
1 Tyler, Growth and Education, pp. 106 and 107. 



264 Psychology of Childhood 

make the exposure of children to contagion much more com- 
mon than under other conditions, there can be no doubt that 
environment is detrimental to normal physical development. 
However, we have but little scientific work upon which to 
base conclusions concerning the effect on an individual of in- 
sufficient food, light, air, exercise, play, etc. Probably the 
most dangerous of the environmental elements is improper 
feeding. Most of the work which has been done along even 
this fine has not eliminated the factor of family heredity from 
the problem, nor have the many concomitant environmental 
influences been given recognition. For instance, children of 
the wealthy and the poor have been compared ; factory 
children and others ; those of the " more favored class and 
the artisan class ; children of the professional class and the 
slums ; " city and country children. Obviously this does 
not isolate the factor of nutrition. Either in the city or the 
country a child may be crowded with many others during 
sleeping hours in an ill-ventilated room, may be poorly housed, 
overworked or semi-idle, with a personal history of many 
or few diseases. The wealthy mother may feed and exercise 
her child just as improperly as the poor mother. At present, 
therefore, we have not reached the point of analysis of en- 
vironmental factors so as to be able to make absolutely definite 
statements regarding any one of them ; and as man is at 
least partly responsible for his environment, both heredity 
and environment are working in the same direction, and which 
is the controlling cause we have no means of telling. Investi- 
gations which note the effect on the same classes of children 
of different kinds of diet, school lunches, recess luncheons, 
etc., should throw more light on this problem. Two factors 
in connection with feeding seem fairly certain: first, that 
underfeeding, to have any permanent stunting effect, must 
be of long duration; second, that the feeding of the infant 
up to a year or a year and a half old is of the utmost 
importance. 



Physical Development of the Child 265 

Growth in height and weight. — As has been indicated, 
racial and family heredity determine for the individual his 
ultimate height and weight, while the sex largely determines 
the rate of growth ; so that statistics derived from a study of 
French boys would not be applicable, say, to Japanese girls. 
The figures here quoted are drawn from studies of American 
and English children. Taking the average length of a child 
at birth as 19 inches, and average adult height as 67 inches 
(M.) and 63 inches (F.) respectively, it will be seen that a 
total gain of 48 or 44 inches is made. Of this, the most rapid 
gain is in the first months of life, since at fourteen months 
old roughly one quarter the total increase, i.e. 12 inches (M.), 
11 inches (F.) will have been made. A male has gained his 
second 12 inches of growth, making him 43 inches tall, by 
the time he is slightly under six years old, taking therefore 
56 months to gain as many inches as he did at first in 14 
months. His third quartile, making him 55 inches tall, is 
added by about twelve and a half years of age, thus taking 
perhaps 74 months. He may reach his ultimate height any- 
where from eighteen to twenty-three years of age. Very 
similar facts may be stated for the female, except that her 
third quartile's gain has been made by ten and a half. In 
weight, the total gain to the age twenty-two is approximately 
138 and 117 lbs. respectively, of which the first quartile is 
gained before five years old for either sex, the second by 
eleven and a half (M.) and ten and a half (F.), the third by 
fifteen and a half (M.) and thirteen and a quarter (F.). 
Other rough statements that may be made are that a child 
is half his ultimate height at two and a half years old or 
slightly less. Between the ages of five and ten a child grows 
about two inches a year, adding 2 to 2\ lbs. for every inch 
gained. 

The rate of increase then, in both height and weight, gradu- 
ally diminishes from birth, though by no means evenly. 
There is a slight retardation in growth at about six years 



266 Psychology of Childhood 

old, an acceleration at eight (M.) or seven (F.), reaching a 
minimum rate at eleven (M.) and nine (F.). Following this 
period of slow growth is one of rapid growth reaching its 
maximum at fifteen (M.) and twelve and a half to thirteen 
(F.)- The increase in height up to the time of maximum 
growth is principally due to growth in length of legs ; after 
that time the trunk grows rapidly. Rapid increase in height 
is followed by gain in weight. Development, i.e. qualitative 
rather than quantitative change in the cells, should always 
follow growth. Times of rapid growth are times of increase 
in vigor and energy, hence these periods are of great educa- 
tional value. Though periods likewise of high fatigability 
they are dangerous only in the way that a rapidly moving 
machine is in more danger than a slow moving one. 

We know too that, contrary to popular opinion, in cases 
of delayed puberty, the individual is not so tall eventually 
as those who begin to mature earlier ; though the adolescent 
acceleration is more marked, it is briefer in duration. Other 
than the sex glands influence growth, particularly the thyroid. 
Any defect or disease in the thyroid, or its absence, is ac- 
companied by a lack of growth and by a special kind of 
mental defect, both of which can, however, be remedied if 
treatment is begun sufficiently early by supplying the con- 
stituents in the diet that the gland should normally have 
secreted. 

Climate and season affect growth also, climate in that 
taller races are found in the temperate zones, and season in 
that boys have been found to increase in height more in the 
spring and summer than in the fall, and to put on weight 
relatively more from August to December. We need further 
investigations dealing with races emigrating from one zone to 
another, also on the annual variation, and on weekly and 
monthly fluctuations said to exist. Statistics from South 
Africa and Australia, as well as of different nationalities, 
would be valuable. 



Physical Development of the Child 267 

Growth and development of various parts. — The growth 
of the body does not proceed as a whole, but by parts and 
successively. The various organs seem to follow a rate and 
rhythm of their own, and to develop quite independently of 
other organs. Thus the time of maximum growth of one 
part may be the time of minimum growth of another. For 
example, the brain increases in size two or threefold during 
the first year, but only 10 per cent more during the second year. 
There is a continued slow growth till puberty though by the 
sixth year it has almost reached adult size. By the twelfth 
or fourteenth year its growth has practically ceased, except 
for very slight increase even into the third decade. The 
muscles and intestines are largest in the fifth, the heart and 
lungs in the eighth decade. At birth the size of a cross 
section of the heart compared to a cross section of the large 
arteries is as 25 to 20; at puberty it is as 140 to 50; for the 
adult it is as 290 to 61. At fifteen years old a boy's limbs 
are relatively longer than they are either at eleven years old 
or in adult life. Detailed facts are too numerous to be given 
here ; but that does not lessen the danger of lack of acquaint- 
ance with them on the part of parent or teacher. For in- 
stance, they should know of the risk of too vigorous exercise 
of an eight- or nine-year-old child while his heart is still small 
in proportion to his arteries; and that a child of six needs 
twice as much oxygen for his weight as does the adult. They 
should realize that the greater plasticity of the child's bones 
makes deformity from bad posture a very real danger. They 
should remember that boys are at every age superior to girls 
in lung capacity and in strength of hands. They should know 
that children of three require 40 per cent as much food as adults 
although they are only about one fifth as large. The danger 
is of underfeeding or improper feeding, not of overfeeding. 
The answers to many school problems and the principles of 
much of school discipline must be found through a careful 
study of the physical growth and development of the child. 



268 Psychology of Childhood 

Physiological and chronological age. — The differences 
in the rate of growth in every organ of the body, the skeleton, 
and nervous system are important ; but even more 
meant by important for the individual child is the fact that 
"physio- there are large variations from any " average " 
age"? rate °^ development within any one year. The 

number of years a child has lived is no sure sign 
of his physical development. In a group of boys fourteen 
years old some may be still in the prepubescent period, some 
may be at that time in the stage of transition, and some may 
be post-pubescent. Cramp ton 1 in his work with the boys of 
New York City found that by the time they reached high school 
age, about thirteen and one half, the number of pubescents, pre- 
and post-pubescents was almost equal. Although these indi- 
vidual differences in lack of correspondence between chronolog- 
ical age and maturity are greatest at the pubescent period, 
they still occur, and are important, earlier. It may be that 
girls are a year ahead of boys in physiological age by the time 
they reach school age, so that, for instance, a girl of five may 
be ready for school but her brother to be equally ready would 
have to wait until he was six. The question of the educa- 
tional significance of this fact of lack of correspondence is 
by no means answered. In fact two difficulties must first 
be met, i.e. the relation between maturity and mental capacity 
must be definitely determined, and an agreement as to the 
best measure of maturity must be decided upon. The evi- 
dence we have on the correlation between maturity and mental 
capacity is in favor of a positive correlation, but the results 
are not final. 

Even if no such positive correlation is ever proved, the 
emphasis on the distinction between chronological age and 
physiological age is an important one. The fact is that chil- 
dren who have lived the same number of years are not the 

1 Crampton, Influence of Physiological Age upon Scholarship. Psych. 
Clin. I. 



Physical Development of the Child 269 

same physically. They cannot be the same mentally, though 
the difference here may be less. We cannot treat all nine- 
year-olds alike — putting them all in the same school grade, 
expecting them all to be the same height, demanding the 
same quantity and quality of mental work, assigning tasks 
requiring the same fine muscle coordination — just because 
all have passed their ninth birthday. Also it is true that 
physical maturity brings with it certain ideas, ideals, atti- 
tudes despite the lack of school training. Simply because a 
child has lived 14 years is not enough to insure either the 
physical strength and maturity or the intellectual develop- 
ment that factory, mill, or any other form of work demands. 
The 12-year-old, non-English-speaking child cannot well be 
taught with ordinary second-grade children. The 18-year- 
old moron with 10-year-old mentality is by no means ten 
years old in other ways. The question of co-education, 
junior high school, methods of instruction, especially in re- 
ligion and morals, must take account of these facts. The 
religious school that classes all 14- to 15-year-olds, boys and 
girls alike, together to take its graded course marked for 
that age is probably making a mistake far-reaching in its 
effects, and much worse than a similar classification of all 
7 -year-olds would be. The treatment of the juvenile criminal, 
both before and after conviction of crime, would be materially 
altered if these distinctions were kept in mind. 

All the way through this discussion the lack of knowledge 
and of scientific facts of child hygiene and physiology has 
been evident. Some characteristics of various ages are recog- 
nized ; for instance, that the sensory development of a child 
precedes the motor, and that the intellectual development 
follows both ; that the lung development of the pre-adolescent 
girl is far inferior to that of the boy ; that the development 
of the organs of reproduction with their correlated changes 
is the most significant fact of pubescence. But very much 
of such knowledge is only the result of observation, and is 



270 Psychology of Childhood 

not scientific. For example, because of the changes taking 
place at adolescence the health of the girl has been shielded 
and guarded. But that is too late ; the sex instinct, with its 
accompanying bodily changes, does not develop rapidly in 
a few months ; it has the same characteristics as all other 
original tendencies, — namely, a slow, gradual ripening. 
Moll claims that the beginnings of such development may be 
found among six-year-old children, and certainly a very large 
percentage of girls have matured by the time they are twelve 
and one-half years old. The time to guard the health of the 
girl, the time to build up vitality and resistance power is from 
nine years old on. To begin at twelve is to begin when the 
opportunity is passed. This then is a problem for grammar 
school quite as much as for high school teachers. The same 
argument applies to boys, only they are a year or two behind 
the girls in age of development. 

What both teachers and parents need are first reliable 
standards for measuring development stages in child growth. 
and then measures of the correlation between these stages and 
various types of capacities. 

SOME CONSTRUCTIVE MEASURES FOR THE DM 
PROVEMENT OF HEALTH CONDITIONS. —Although 
teachers and parents are rather working in the dark so far 
as some phases of the physical life of the child are concerned, 
still work of considerable importance has been done towards 
the prevention of certain defects and diseases among children 
and the remedying of certain others. 

Inspection, hygiene, special studies. — The establishment 
of the school nurse and of the medical inspection of school 
children has done much to prevent the spread of contagious 
diseases and to promote the early detection of some of the 
grosser defects. The hygiene of special subjects, such as 
reading and writing, and the equipment of the schools with 
books, blackboards, seal-, etc., in accordance with the physical 
demands ol" the child, have done much to prevent eyestrain 



Physical Development of the Child 271 

with its train of evils, curvature of the spine, etc. The studies 
in fatigue with their resulting influence on length of class 
periods, length, distribution, and character of recess periods 
have worked for the nervous betterment of children. School 
lunches, out-of-door classes, free clinics of all kinds have both 
improved the health of the school children and alleviated 
some of the suffering due to defects. But the health of the 
children will not be properly conserved until each individual 
teacher recognizes her responsibility in this direction. In 
some districts, such measures as have been indicated are not 
possible ; then the teacher alone is responsible. In all cases 
the initial step must often be taken by the teacher. This 
problem is not one which can be adequately solved by provid- 
ing specialists. They are necessary in the long run, but the 
greater responsibility for close observation and detection of 
trouble, for suggestions of remedies, and for persistent endeavor 
to have means taken to relieve must be on the teacher in the 
schools. 

Recognition of defects. — ■ The common defects of sight and 
hearing have already been discussed in Chapter What are 
VII. Other defects which influence a child either s °™scZ'oi 
physically or mentally or both are : defective defects ? 
teeth, adenoids and enlarged tonsils, defects of speech and 
nervousness. 

Teeth. — Care of the teeth has been urged in times past 
for two reasons : first, because bad teeth are ugly and good 
teeth are an element of beauty, and second, be- „„ 

1 n- • t t 1 What are 

cause such care prevents suffering caused by tooth- some results 

ache. These two reasons are still in force, but of having 

, . . . 111 bad teeth ? 

to-day much evidence is being produced to show 

that the care of teeth is necessary not only for bodily health, 
but for mental health as well. " Defective teeth may affect 
the health of the entire body. The influence is chiefly of 
four kinds : (1) decreased power of mastication, due either 
to decay or irregularities of the teeth; (2) the toxic effect 



272 Psychology of Childhood 

of pus which is absorbed directly into the blood or taken into 
the stomach and intestines; (3) reflex nervous disturbance 
due to pain, impaction of teeth, etc. ; and (4) the possibility 
of acting as a breeding-ground and distributing-point for 
bacteria which cause infectious diseases." * Indigestion, 
anemia, and even rheumatism have been traced directly to 
defective teeth. Medical men as well as the laity are only 
now waking up to the danger to the nation's health involved 
in this seemingly minor defect. The extent to which defective 
teeth are found among school children all over the world is 
appalling. In recent examinations made in this country and 
in Europe the estimates run from 61 per cent to 96 per cent 
of the children showing defective teeth. The younger chil- 
dren showed more defects than the older ones, as the milk 
teeth are more susceptible to attack than the permanent 
teeth. The age most free from troubles of this kind is about 
ten years for girls, for boys a little older. The teacher has 
three duties with reference to this defect : (1) she should teach 
something of the hygiene of the mouth and teeth ; (2) she 
should cooperate with the home in promoting habits of 
sanitary care ; (3) she should find out whether there are 
defects if there is no one else to do it, and then do all in her 
power to get the defects remedied before the child's health 
suffers. 

Speech. — Defects in speech are much more common among 
school children than one would anticipate. Conradi 2 in his 
investigation reports 2.46 per cent of children with defect of 
some kind. Of these lisping, or some form of baby talk, and 
stuttering are the commonest. Such defects not only in- 
fluence a child's social adjustment, but influence also his 
business efficiency. Further, it seems very probable from 
the study of mentally defective children, the majority of 
whom suffer from speech defects, that there is a positive cor- 
relation between speech and thinking. Clumsy, slovenly, 

1 Terman, op. cit., pp. 173-174- ' Ped. Sem., 1004, Vol. n, p. 365. 



Physical Development of the Child 273 

or halting speech is likely to be accompanied by poor thinking. 
Improvement in speech has been accompanied by improve- 
ment in intellectual power. This need not at all mean that 
the relationship is one of cause and effect, but it should mean 
that both parents and teachers recognize that defective speech 
is not to be neglected or left to look after itself. In only a 
few cases will this laissez-faire method succeed. In most 
cases the defect grows worse, or at least grows no better, 
according to the laws of habit. The time for the greatest 
frequency of the lisping type of defect is just about school age, 
whereas the stutterers increase in number as the years of 
school attendance increase. The causes of these two defects 
are numerous, and the treatment must vary as the cause. 
Hence the first thing for a teacher to do is to ascertain the 
cause, malformation of organs, careless habits, defective 
hearing or motor control, nervousness, or what not, and then 
plan treatment accordingly. These defects are curable to a 
large extent (9 out of 10 stutterers are curable, Terman 
thinks) and the problem is an educational one primarily, not a 
medical one. 

Adenoids and enlarged tonsils. — Adenoids l and enlarged 
tonsils are defects of the throat. They have somewhat the 
same effect on the health of children, although the 

. , . n r 1 a What are 

former is the more serious mentally of the two. A some results 
condition of high-arched, narrow palate, impacted of having 

11 • • r 1 r ^ adenoids? 

teeth, and nasal obstruction is frequently found 
together. The signs of these obstructions should be well 
known to every teacher so that the treatment could begin 
while the child is young. Adenoids usually appear before 
the child is nine and the commonest age seems to be six. 
Removal of the adenoids and tonsils if they are large enough 
seriously to obstruct the nasal passages, should occur prefer- 
ably when the child is six or seven. The effect of these 

1 Adenoids consist of the overgrowth or infection of the lymphoid tissue 
forming the third tonsil. They occur above and behind the soft palate. 



274 Psychology of Childhood 

obstructions is to cause: (i) irregular and shallow breathing ; 
(2) mouth breathing with its attendant evils; (3) lowered 
general vitality; (4) defective hearing and speech; (5) a 
greater frequency of certain diseases by providing fertile 
ground for infection. Besides all these effects on the health 
of the child, there is very great reason to believe that the 
mental development of the child is delayed, so that some- 
times he may be permanently retarded. Lack of physical 
vitality means lack of mental vitality. Deafness, wander- 
ing, fickle attention affect mental development. Just what 
is the relation between these defects and mental capacity has 
yet to be worked out; but we are pretty sure that the ade- 
noidal child does not develop normally, and there have been 
some startling changes in mental power and moral character 
upon the removal of adenoids. But the teacher's duty is 
not ended when the adenoids are out. There are all the bad 
habits of the child's life to undo. Many parents and teachers 
seem to think that all will be well when once the operation is 
over, — that the child will breathe through his nose, hear the 
first time he is spoken to, be interested in his school work, — 
whereas these particular habits of response have to be formed 
gradually, and the old ones inhibited. It must be made a 
definite educational problem. 

The last of the defects mentioned above is nervousness. 
The subject of a later chapter necessitates a dealing with this 
topic, hence it is omitted here. 

Malnutrition. — Perhaps the most fundamental handicap 

from which a child can suffer is malnutrition. This, besides 

its effects on height and weight, is apt to interfere 

What are . . ° . , . , , 11 

the results with development m general, particularly to delay 
ofmainutri- p U berty. By lowering the general vitality of the 
body it increases its susceptibility to any infections, 
lessens the chance of recovery once a disease is contracted, 
and increases the danger of a relapse. Especially is it likely 
to precede tuberculosis, and, in the very young child, to pro- 



Physical Development of the Child 275 

duce rickets, a soft condition of the bones shown in severe 
cases by enlarged joints, overgrown head, bow legs, or knock 
knees. As it is two or three times more prevalent among dull 
and retarded children than among average or bright ones, 
we may conclude that it has a deleterious effect on mental 
development as well. 

The causes of malnutrition are not merely an insufficient 
amount of food, a condition found among the very poor, 
but a lack of the right sort of food, or of certain constituents 
requisite in a well-balanced diet. Food that is badly pre- 
pared and eaten at irregular intervals or too hurriedly will 
not serve the child's need, nor will an oversupply of certain 
articles such as candy, stimulants, and highly seasoned foods. 
Other physical conditions, such as unsound teeth, a weak 
digestive system, reflex nervous disturbances including eye- 
strain, disorders of the lymphatic system, will aggravate the 
evil of malnutrition ; so will also lack of sleep, or of exercise 
in the open air, and any overexcitement, anxiety, or worry. 

A child who is ill nourished usually appears pale and thin, 
though often the face may be plump but flabby with dark 
circles under dull eyes. He may be either listless or over- 
excitable, with other signs of nervousness, particularly twitch- 
ings. Decayed teeth, foul breath, and other symptoms of 
indigestion may be evident at a closer inspection. A teacher 
on observing a child with manifestations such as these should 
refer him to a physician for proper examination. 

Tuberculosis. — Mention has been made of tuberculosis. 
Childhood, particularly the earliest years, is the time when 
nearly all people contract this disease. Many recover from 
the primary infection without any one's being any the wiser, 
but a large number retain it to develop later in some form or 
other. The lymphatic glands or the bones are the most 
common seat of secondary infection, showing in the familiar 
swollen neck, hip disease, " white swelling " of the knee, or 
hunch back. Early diagnosis and treatment is of extreme 



276 Psychology of Childhood 

importance in such cases ; by six years old it may be too late 
to effect a cure or prevent a deformity. The tertiary or 
open form so prevalent in later adolescence should of course 
be forestalled if possible in suspects. Proper hygienic habits 
and thorough instruction on the topic of tuberculosis are the 
main safeguards here, with special attention to vocational 
guidance, general nutrition, and care during periods of con- 
valescence from attacks of scarlet fever, measles, whooping 
cough, and the like. 

Contagious diseases. — Of these and other infectious and 
contagious diseases little detail need be given here. Any 
book on hygiene can give the symptoms, the periods of in- 
cubation and necessary quarantine, and the teacher should 
acquaint herself with these. Her better work for the com- 
munity would be to combat the prevalent idea that these 
diseases are inevitable and therefore the sooner over with the 
better. The resultant evils possible from scarlet fever alone 
are too serious to permit the careless exposure of children to 
it. One great help in preventing the spread of many of these 
is, as we are coming to realize, rigid insistence in public and 
in private on proper care of the secretions from the mouth and 
nose. Carelessness in sneezing and coughing will soon be 
recognized as criminal negligence ; a sex difference in the need 
for expectoration will no longer be supposed to exist, so that 
printed regulations on the subject may disappear as surely 
as the common drinking cup. Teachers must remember that 
this is distinctly a matter of educating the public. 

The question as to how much the school is responsible for 
the presence of defects, morbidity, and mortality among school 
is the school children is still an open one. Particularly here in 
a cause of the United States we have little scientific evidence. 
However, from all the investigations in other 
countries, Terman at least is willing to say, " The close 
correlation of morbidity with years of school attendance. 
with length of daily program and with the progression of 



Physical Development of the Child 277 

the school term ; the deterioration of attention toward the 
end of the school year; the damaging effects of strenuous 
school activities upon appetite, digestion, metabolism, and 
the constitution of the blood ; the ill effects of deprivation 
from fresh air and from healthy physical exercise ; the im- 
pairment of nervous coordinations and the profound dis- 
turbances reflexly produced by worry, — these and other 
injurious effects have been sufficiently attested to justify 
the most vigorous prosecution of reform in matters of educa- 
tional hygiene." 1 Whether we are willing to go as far as 
that or not, conditions are such the country over that our 
individual responsibility in matters of child health is being 
forced upon us as never before. 

Exercises 

1. On square-ruled paper chart the table given below (abbre- 
viated from Smedley's norms). Use different colored inks on the 
same chart to represent the boys and the girls. Arrange your chart 
thus: 
cm. 

175 
170 

165 
160 



Age 



Op. cit., p. 404. 



278 Psychology of Childhood 





Height in Cm. 


Age 


Boys 


Girls 


6 


III 


no 


7 


Il6 


ii5 


8 


121 


120 


9 


126 


125 


10 


131 


130 


11 


135 


135 


12 


139 + 


141 


13 


I46 


148 


14 


152 


154 


15 


158 


157 


16 


164 


158 


17 


168 


159 


18 


171 


159 + 



How does your chart show that girls in their early teens are 
taller than boys of the same age ? 
How does it show the periods of acceleration and retardation ? 

2. Spend 30 to 60 minutes in a classroom, noting as follows : 

(a) how many, and which children have a poor posture habit ; 

(b) which appear poorly nourished ; 

(c) how many have poor eye movements, or hold their work 
nearer than 10 inches to the eyes ; 

(d) the profiles of any who are unusual in forehead or jaw, 
sketching them for reference and comparison ; 

(e) any cases of speech defects, any evidence of bad hygienic 
habits, any asymmetry of ears or eyes. 

3. Find out what clinics for children exist within a mile radius 
of your school. 

4. Can you suggest any physical facts that might explain the 
poor penmanship often found about eleven or twelve years 
old? 

5. By what signs would you suspect the presence of adenoids ? 
What would you, as a teacher, do after thus suspecting? 

6. What is one result to the child's own feelings of the fact 
that bones may grow faster than the muscles and skin covering 
them? 



Physical Development of the Child 279 

7. What facts given explain that the rate of growth of height 
taken sitting differs from the rate of growth of height taken stand- 
ing? 

8. How could you cooperate to educate the parents in the 
matter of nutrition ? 

References for Reading 

F. Boas, The Growth of Children. Science, Vol. 19. 
Hoag, The Health Index of Children. 
Oppenheim, The Development of the Child. 
Terman, The Hygiene of the School Child. 
Tyler, Growth and Education. 



CHAPTER XV 

A CROSS SECTION OF CHILD LIFE AT FIVE, AND AT 
ELEVEN 

CHILD LIFE AT FIVE. — So far, the different tendencies 
have been considered group by group. A study of that kind, 
analytical as it must be, does not present us with a view of 
the whole child as we meet him in daily life, complex, change- 
able, developing as he is, constantly meeting and responding 
to all sorts of stimuli, varying from mood to mood, from year 
to year, from home to school environment, in sickness and in 
health. But neither does constant association with one child 
give us necessarily any idea of what children of a given age 
may be like. That one child observed may be atypical, may 
be very specially endowed by heredity or favored by environ- 
ment, and is probably considered with prejudiced eyes in all 
but very few cases. In what follows, an attempt is made to 
present a sort of cross section of child life at two points, for 
the ages five and eleven. The facts stated will, of course, be 
generalized, and may not fit the mental image one calls up of 
some particular child in many traits ; moreover, it may seem 
to lack perspective and naturalness in the same way that the 
moving picture's succession of attitudes appears jerky and 
flat when compared with the scenes with living actors on the 
stage. However, it may serve as a guide or map in the ex- 
ploration of the land of childhood. 

Physically. — Children at five years old are anywhere from 

34 to 46 inches tall, on the average slightly over 40 inches. 

growing 2 to 2.2 inches during the year. The weight will 

be from 34 lbs. to 46 lbs. with an average of 39 plus, adding 4 

2S0 



Cross Section of Child Life at Five, and at Eleven 281 

lbs. or a little more in the course of the year. A boy is very 
slightly taller and heavier than a girl at this age, and grows 
a little faster than the girl. The sitting height is Achildof 
large, relative to the standing height ; the legs are five. What 
increasing in muscle power rather than much in rel- JJJ^JJi 
ative length. The brain has attained about eight character- 
ninths of its adult weight, while its development lsttcs 
is proceeding rapidly. The sensory neurones are in advance 
of the motor, of which those neurones controlling the hands 
are less mature than those controlling the muscles of the 
trunk and upper limbs. Hands are used for fine precision 
movements better than are the feet, however. 

At this age children have long had their full set of 20 milk 
teeth and rarely start to lose even the lower incisors before 
another year has passed. The first of the permanent set, 
the " sixth-year molar," makes its appearance about as its 
name would indicate. Relative to their age, children of five 
need a large amount of food and at more frequent intervals 
than does the adult. Their diet should contain 1400 to 1700 
calories a day, roughly 36 calorie's per pound of weight, and 
include plenty of milk, cooked rather than raw fruit, little 
or no meat. They need about one half as much fat, and one 
third as much carbohydrate food as does an adult. They 
require eleven hours or more of sleep out of the twenty-four, 
and plenty of outdoor air and sunshine. It is a time of less 
susceptibility to disease than in the years before three, but 
still very great compared to the resistance of children ten 
and twelve years old. 

Socially. — Kirkpa trick calls the age from three to six the 
period of individualization, when children intelligently try 
to modify other people, their physical environ- what is the 
ment, and their world of fancy to suit themselves, social de- 
and, through this self-assertion, develop a person- vel °i" nent? 
ality more independent of others than heretofore, also pos- 
sibly different from that which they exhibited say at three 



282 Psychology of Childhood 

years old. They learn pretty well what is expected of them 
in the family life, and, with the help of their dramatic imagina- 
tion, begin to idealize conduct to some degree, using terms 
such as good, nice, kind, brave, " what — ■ likes." Such 
moral standards are in process of formation unreflectively, 
being crystallized from either incidental pains and pleasures or 
from those administered systematically by the older members 
of the group to which they belong. Thus their " conscience " 
is derived wholly from the authority of the surrounding adults, 
and their moral habits are formed by the law of effect. They 
learn to be whatever will secure them the greatest advantage, 
coy, whining, patient and good tempered or vociferous and 
teasing, shy, obedient, polite, bold according to the value in 
personal returns which such behavior brings. Right is that 
which wins the approval of the elders, or which provides the 
satisfaction of a desire. 

Their memory and imagination are developed sufficiently 
so that hope of reward, dread of ridicule, or fear of punish- 
ment can become a controlling factor in conduct. Neither 
memory nor imagination is a reliable guide, however, when it 
comes to reporting occurrences. Creative imagination is the 
generator of many of the so-called lies at this age, faulty 
perception or memory is accountable for more ; but a little 
training in distinguishing actual from wished-for experiences 
will be of immense help in straightening out this type of 
falsification. Conscious and purposeful lying may occur 
from fear of some loss or punishment, or from a state of open 
dislike or warfare with unsympathetic adults. A majority 
of children probably take to lying in some form or. other; 
and to prevent the venture from becoming a habit they 
should find convincingly, in terms of personal and social 
results, not only that deception does not pay, but that truth- 
telling does, even if it is owning up to some piece of mischief 
or disobedience. Because of the weak time sense at this 
age, both rewards and punishments need to be immediate to 



Cross Section of Child Life at Five, and at Eleven 283 

be effective, and closely connected in the children's own 
minds with the action. They must be fitted to the children 
primarily, to the deeds in logical fashion only as a secondary 
consideration. 

Standards to be given. — Moral and social habits reasonably 
to be expected at this age include regularity and control of 
bodily functions, cooperation in cleanliness of what moral 
person, the use of " please," and " thank you " and stage may 
other simple courtesy forms, handling of spoon and be reached? 
fork simultaneously, use of handkerchief, some inhibition of 
impulses to cry when disappointed or hurt, of impulses to 
kick and shriek when angry, of impulses to handle any at- 
tractive object known to be either another's property or 
dangerous, some sustained effort to stop sulks, or crossness, 
or contrariness, and to be pleasant, polite, courageous. Stand- 
ards of bedroom and table manners differ so much that it is 
difficult to be specific. Compare, for instance, children in a 
typical, two-child, servantless home with parental super- 
vision but many makeshift ways ; those in a crowded tene- 
ment family with no privacy and no room to sit together at 
meals ; those in an English-style nursery with its careful 
training; those in single-child millionaire establishments, 
overloaded with personal service ; those in an institution 
on the congregate plan with the lack of intelligent, refined 
interest to direct in these matters. However, children of 
five years should be made conscious that there is a standard 
in these things, and their training should have produced an 
approximate conformity. 

One of the chief moral habits needed at this age is obedience, 
brought about either by personal influence on the emotions 
or by tangible results in pleasure or the reverse, but in any 
case secured promptly. Much help can be given here by 
never offering mere suggestions, which may be disregarded, 
in the form of commands which must be heeded. This is a 
bad, thoughtless habit on the part of adults, and necessarily 



284 Psychology of Childhood 

confuses children who thus have no ready means of distin- 
guishing between occasions when a choice is permissible and 
when it is not. Their " I don't want to " being met with 
" Oh, all right then " in one case, how are they to know that 
such an objection will be a source of contention another time ? 
Fits of obstinacy may be helped by a little letting alone for 
a while, or by deliberately distracting the attention, as one 
does for a balky horse, till the inhibitions are released. By 
auto-suggestion, a child's " I won't " becomes only too 
literally " I can't," with an accompanying state of high 
tension ; relief by relaxation is needed, which may frequently 
be secured by something which induces a good laugh. Obedi- 
ence may then follow more easily, and the child has an ex- 
perience in control to look back upon, rather than a scarring 
memory of a conflict with the adult. 

Play interests. — The games and plays enjoyed at this 
age are largely individual and solitary. Children of five 
„„ , will be intent for considerable periods on their own 

What do . • r 1 

five-year- toys, construction work, occupation of whatever sort 
olds like to without desiring the cooperation of others in the 
way that older children do. Participation by 
others may frequently be resented and precipitate a fight ; 
whereas seeing others busy with an object excites curiosity 
and acts as a suggestion to grab and handle likewise. When 
playing with other children they join in an undefined group, 
i.e. any number can play, and there is an absence of competi- 
tion. It is play rather than a game with organization and 
rules. Ring games involving dramatic imagination, with 
rhythmic movement leading to some climax, especially if 
accompanied by singing, are popular at this age. Rhythm 
and repetition in speech and song is a prominent characteristic 
of the many traditional games played about this time. 

Another marked feature of their play is the constant activ- 
ity indulged in from sheer enjoyment of it rather than from 
any idea of acquiring skill in a movement. Five-year-olds 



Cross Section of Child Life at Five, and at Eleven 285 

love to jump, roll, slide, dig, climb, run, pound, throw, lift 
and use their whole bodies in large movements ; but there is 
no desire to run fast, to throw hard, to jump high, nor to excel 
the next child in these abilities. Playing in shallow water is 
a great delight whether in tubs on the veranda, or the small 
stream, or mere road puddles. Objects that stimulate the 
senses and can be manipulated are very attractive. Simple 
toys that will stand hard wear, that are not too liliputian, 
that offer opportunity for dramatic use or original construc- 
tion work are the best to provide, especially easily handled 
variants of blocks and bricks. In using these, girls tend to 
care for ornamentation more than boys do, while the latter 
already tend to be more interested in the mechanics side of 
building. A few simple tools may be appreciated. Other 
materials also providing scope for the imagination but involv- 
ing smaller muscles, are such as paper to be cut or torn, clay, 
colored crayons, the various things found in Montessori or 
kindergarten rooms, including the sand table. Playing in 
the snow is sometimes a fearsome pleasure and is not so violent 
as it becomes four or five years later. Anything suggestive 
of a cave is adopted rather than constructed at this age ; the 
knee hole of father's desk, a hollow in a bank, empty crates, 
overhanging ledges of rock, area-ways arched with steps 
provide cubby-holes all ready for playing house without much 
further trouble. 

Medium-sized dolls, teddy-bears, other animals and their 
appurtenances are enjoyed by both sexes. The girls may do 
a greater variety of things with them than boys, and the 
same thing for longer at a time ; also they begin to develop 
an interest in the details of doll's housekeeping appliances 
which may bore the boys. Imitation and dramatization 
play a large part in the activities connected with their toys 
as also in their other play. They love to dress up and assume 
the characters they see daily, such as policeman, car conductor, 
etc., or those they hear about in stories, though this less often. 



286 Psychology of Childhood 

In this way their imagination is greatly developed. They 
are interested in fairy tales, but especially in narratives of 
the culminative type with repetitions such as that of the old 
woman with the pig that wouldn't go over the stile. 

Instincts prominent. — The instincts prominent at five 
years old are : i . responses of sensitivity, love of sensory 
Which in- life for its own sake but not in the sense of fine 
stinctsare discrimination which, of course, only training 

most promt- . J & 

nent,andin Can give. 

what form? 2 Responses of gross bodily control, rapidly 
developing in the ceaseless muscular plays of this age. 

3. Responses of food-getting in such forms as pursuing small 
escaping objects, reaching and putting things in the mouth, 
cramming the mouth very full with pleasant tasting food, some 
developing form of collecting and hoarding. Sweet things are 
generally craved, but acid, pungent or salty flavors are seldom 
enjoyed. The habitation instinct is shown in the typical re- 
sponse to small enclosures open on at least one of the six sides. 

4. Fear, occasioned by unfamiliar animals or by people felt 
as menacing, by thunderstorms, by loud, sudden noises, often 
by the dark, by the feeling of lack of support in unusual physical 
positions or in water which is over waist high, or in untried 
movements that look violent, perhaps by grotesque carvings 
or even pictures of grim-looking people. There are consider- 
able individual differences here, perhaps innate but partly due 
to the effects of early training which may have formed the 
habit of making different responses to situations which might 
cause fear, or may have intensified the unpleasant emotions. 

5. Fighting of the types "escape from restraint,'' "irra- 
tional response to pain," " overcoming a moving obstacle," 
especially " counter attack and struggling against thwarting." 
accompanied by rage. 

6. Attention-getting, in the form of restless behavior, doing 
stunts, calling out, alternating with submissive behavior 
shown in shyness and self-conscious action. 



Cross Section of Child Life at Five, and at Eleven 287 

7. Emulation, though in a mild form as compared with the 
ten-year-old, is shown in such things as the effort to seize what 
a playfellow is pulling towards himself, struggling to retain 
a toy, leaving an occupation to run after some other child 
with an attractive plaything and trying to drag it away. 
Jealousy may follow with sulking ; or if others get the treat- 
ment and notice for which they were aiming there is apt to 
be sulks, howls, or grief. 

8. Imitation in its simple, reflex forms, working with 
the general secondary tendency toward suggestibility, renders 
five -year- olds peculiarly susceptible to emotional influences 
and to many unconscious tricks of facial expression, gesture, 
accent, language phrase, and the like. 

9. Manipulation, which, added to the love of getting sensa- 
tions, may figure as curiosity, or enjoyment of being a cause. 

Other instincts, such as kindliness, motherly behavior, the 
sex instinct, certain forms of fighting, are not so strong at this 
age as they are likely to be later. In the case of the sex in- 
stinct, this is either in part of the period called by Moll the 
neutral, or in the period called the undifferentiated, when on 
the physical side the organs are immature and sensations 
unlocalized ; on the psychic side the children's special affec- 
tions may be centered on almost any one, even an animal, 
but chiefly on a parent or some older person of either sex. 
The curiosity exhibited about their own bodies or the origin 
of babies is not specifically connected with sex; it is rather 
a part of general information-getting, and should be so met. 

Mental characteristics. — Children of five live in a world 
fascinatingly " full of a number of things," and they are 
constantly exploring their environment not only by 
getting sensations and making movements but by YhegeneiaL 
asking questions. Though the previous year may mental 
more truly be termed the age of questions, the ^^csf"' 
tendency has lost but little of its strength, and, as 
every parent desirous of living up to his responsibilities knows, 



288 Psychology of Childhood 

even the latest encyclopedia and the u Child's Book of Knowl- 
edge " combined sometimes fail to provide the necessary, 
satisfying answers. Children's attention is quickly caught 
by moving objects either seen or heard, but on the whole, 
things are noticed and considered important only as then- 
contribute to present enjoyment. Voluntary attention is 
not easy to give, and any kind of attention is quickly distracted. 
As has been elsewhere indicated, imagination of both the 
creative and constructive type is very vivid at this age, 
being a strong factor in determining the type of story or play 
enjoyed. They begin to imitate not only people and things 
present at the time, but also those absent and simply re- 
membered. Mere retentiveness is good, relatively, also rote 
memory ; but the memory image is weak and inaccurate, 
neither is there much ability to recall voluntarily. Logical 
memory is scarcely developed at all. Color perception is 
standardizing, but interest in, and memory for, color is far less 
than has been commonly supposed. Space concepts are fairly 
well developed for empirical reaction to daily environment, 
but their time concepts are weak, likewise their number 
concepts. This condition may be appreciated when we realize 
how much more frequent are perceptual experiences that in- 
volve allowing for space adjustment than are those requiring 
time measurement ; and that beyond small portions of time 
which can be felt as rhythms, our very terms are abstract. 
What wonder then that "to-morrow," "last week." "next 
month " should be difficult to grasp, and that even darkness 
and light, which can be seen to be understood, do not always 
satisfactorily explain "to-day," "this evening," still less 
morning and afternoon. The type of meal soon becomes a 
fixed point of reference for time of day as do also habitual 
activities. Prepositions and adverbs expressing space re- 
lationship are correctly used at this age. but few expressing 
time relationships, still fewer dealing with causes, condition-, 
concessions, and the like. In language development, children 



Cross Section of Child Life at Five, and at Eleven 289 

of five may have a vocabulary of from 2000 to as many as 
4000 or more words, depending almost entirely on the sort of 
home environment there is, and also upon definite training 
including possible ability to read. Many more words are 
understood than are commonly used in the child's own speech, 
of course, as with all of us. Substantives and verbs form 
perhaps three quarters of the entire stock of works used, 
while some pronouns and any irregular inflections give con- 
siderable trouble even when the environment supplies the 
correct forms constantly. 

Mental tests. — • The Stanford revision of the Binet-Simon 
tests gives us an idea of the norm of general intelligence of 
five-year-old children. They can generally state whatmen- 
their own age correctly. Their ability to under- tai tests can 
stand simple instructions and to hold them in mind "Cental 
sufficiently to direct a process of comparison is age 5" 
brought out by the "comparison of weights " test, in s 
which two weights looking exactly alike, but one weighing 3 the 
other 15 grams, are presented for a sense discrimination test. 
The same abilities contribute to success in other tests also, 
as for instance the "three commissions." In this the direc- 
tions are to take a key and put it on a chair, then to open 
the door, then to bring a designated box to the experimenter. 
Most children at this age, if they fail in this test at all, do so 
from omitting one of the orders. Comprehension and atten- 
tion are needed again in the "game of patience" test, in which 
two triangular cards are required to be placed together " so 
they will look exactly like " a rectangular card which is 
shown. Control by an idea is involved too, and of course 
judgment and comparison through the eyes of shape and 
position. By five years old normal children show discrimina- 
tion in matters aesthetic by being able to pick out the prettier 
of two faces in three pairs, and show their interest in the world 
of color by having picked up the names of the four primary 
colors without having had any direct teaching in connection 
u 



290 Psychology of Childhood 

with them. Boys are somewhat inferior to girls in this test. 
Things around them are thought of more largely in terms of 
use than in terms of general characteristics, so that they will 
reply to such questions as " What is a table " by saying " To 
eat on," or " Where to write " rather than giving the fact 
that it is made of wood, or that it has four legs and a top, 
or that it is of a certain color and shape. True, they may be 
led off into irrelevant remarks such as " We have a new table 
in our parlor," as is readily explainable by the association 
laws of vividness or recency. For that matter, adults' 
imagery or mental judgments might well be colored the 
same way, but the latter would inhibit expression of this 
type of fact, while five-year-olds do not. Girls may be some- 
what, but very slightly superior in general intelligence to boys. 

CHILD LIFE AT ELEVEN. Physically.— Turning now 
to the consideration of eleven-year-old children, we find that 
a child of at tn ^ s a S e ^ey are anywhere from 51 to 58 inches 
eleven. tall, slightly over 53 inches on the average, with 

Mefhllkai b °y s a ver y nttle m the lead - During the year 
character- from eleven to twelve girls will start on their period 
of rapid growth, gaining nearly 2-5 inches before their 
twelfth birthday, while for boys the acceleration has not yet 
begun. In weight, children of this age tip the scales at from 
60 to 78 lbs., girls on the average at 68 and boys at 72. During 
the year boys will gain about 4 lbs. and girls about 6 lbs., as 
they overtake boys in height. In lung capacity or strength 
of grip, however, girls do not measure up to boys. A tall 
child will begin the period of acceleration rather earlier than 
a small child ; and it will become noticeable in height sooner 
than in weight. There is a stimulated increase in growth of 
the bones, especially the long ones, at this period, making a 
change in the relation of sitting to standing height. The 
hips and pelvic bones start to undergo changes in the girl 
which frequently result in a greatl) modified carriage and 



Cross Section of Child Life at Five, and at Eleven 291 

At this time lack of symmetry may show in the shoulders, 
hips, sides of the face, use of the hands, and so on. For many 
girls this marks the beginning of an " awkward " age, when 
uneven growth not only necessitates new habits of muscle 
coordination but has its effect in a dawning self-conscious- 
ness of a different kind to that previously existing, an in- 
creased sensitivity to personal criticism, and an instability 
of mood which are the forerunners of the metamorphosis 
that will take place in early adolescence. In both sexes the 
brain has all but ceased to increase either in size or in weight. 
The heart is still small in relation to the size of the arteries 
compared to the relative size obtaining in adult life. The 
general resistance to disease is high. 

By eleven years old the incisors, the first molars, and the 
front premolars of the permanent set of teeth have appeared, 
and during the year the canines and back premolars may be 
changed, though there is considerable age variation here, 
and again the girl shows more precocity than the boy. Several 
teeth may be already diseased, especially the sixth-year 
molars ; * only one child in five may have perfect, sound 
teeth at this age, the others having suffered chiefly from lack 
of inspection and proper care. Children 2 now require about 
1800 to 2000 calories in food value daily, or from 28 to 32 
per pound of body weight ; this would be approximately six 
tenths as much as a man at moderate work. Their diet 
should be varied but plain, avoiding rich, heavy, highly 
seasoned dishes, and being bulky rather than concentrated, 
so as to somewhat satisfy the almost inexhaustible capacity 
for eating commonly found. They need at least 9^ hours 
of sleep during the 24, preferably more ; though investiga- 
tions 3 show that the hours actually spent in sleep average 
less than this. 

1 See Terman, Hygiene of the School Child, pp. 169 ff. 

2 Rose, Feeding the Family. 

3 Bernhard, Ravenhill, Terman and Hocking. Terman, op. cit., pp. 364 ff. 



292 Psychology of Childhood 

Socially. — Socially, children of eleven are moving in a 
world made up mostly of their own kind, vaguely peopled 
How has w ^k a dolescents and younger children, occasionally 
their social- touched by the orbits of adults. True, grown-ups 
izatwnpro- are borne with in such necessary spheres as indus- 
trial and school life, are tolerated as convenient 
providers of food, money and other things ; but on the whole 
they are regarded as amazingly far from the interests, occu- 
pations, plans and motives of the boy or girl of eleven. Many 
adult actions and points of view are incomprehensible, at 
best foolish, at worst unjust, and generally most uncomfort- 
ably non-predictable. At no time may there be such complete 
mutual impatience or even misunderstanding, such falling 
foul of each other's inclinations and guiding principles. 

One reason for this is probably found in the fact that though 
in eleven-year-olds the sense of ownership is well developed 
so far as their own versus their friends' belongings are con- 
cerned, the sense of honor is not yet sufficiently generalized 
to make them keep from meddling with the property of older 
members of the family, adults in general or the public at large. 
Their impulsiveness, imperfect reasoning abilities, wide-awake 
energy, eagerness to be experimenting, investigating, making 
things happen, lead them into all sorts of situations which 
to the unsympathetic adult smack of sheer perversity or 
willful mischief. Since they are not yet advanced enough to 
generalize principles of conduct, orders or directions have to 
be specific ; these cannot usually be sufficiently numerous to 
cover all the possibilities that will suggest themselves to a 
healthy, active child. Hence the wail from the injured 
adult, " Who could suppose they would ever think of that ? " 
and from the chidden culprits, " We weren't ever told not to 
do that"; or "How was I to know they'd object to that? 
Whatever a feller does seems wrong " 

Another reason is thai wider reading acquaints chil 
with all sorts of wonder and adventure tales, delightfully 



Cross Section of Child Life at Five, and at Eleven 293 

suggestive to the imagination and demanding to be worked out 
in play. The fields and woods are full, not only of birds and 
animals, but of probable knights, Indians, pirates, and other 
vivid beings to whom adjustment must be made ; but adults 
prosaically refuse to recognize the existence of such, except 
in rare instances. When engaged in strife with burglars, 
savages, one must needs act violently and express oneself 
by whoops ; it is inconvenient that grown-ups have a dif- 
ferent sense of the fitness of time and place, but so it is. 
Likewise, it is stupid, nay provoking, of older ones not to 
recognize the absolute necessity for the utilization of all 
sorts of objects to further the realism of the atmosphere 
created ; it is unfortunate too that they object to the transfor- 
mation of such articles, but so they do. Inevitably, when 
behaving at such cross purposes, a certain reticence will be 
induced. This, with the forced reticence concerning escapades 
that will be interpreted and rewarded in most variable man- 
ner, heightens the difficulty of making explanations in lan- 
guage and widens the gulf of misunderstanding. The adult 
who can appreciate the real motives at work in children, who 
does enter into the sport, who is serious and respectful at 
the right time, who is inventive enough to " play up " may 
cross a bridge over the gulf into the charmed land of boy and 
girl trust, love, even adoration. 

A third reason for the usual lack of understanding is prob- 
ably that the common adult impulses expressed in love-making, 
in industrial and social prudence are not yet vital to eleven- 
year-olds. They view these activities with amusement 
verging on contempt, at best assuming an attitude of toler- 
ance towards behavior in grown-ups which interferes with 
their own purposes. Adolescents are, to them, near-adults 
in many ways, while younger children, unless they arouse 
pity and fostering care, are so visibly inferior in prowess 
that their company is unwelcome in the thrilling exploits 
which occupy the days for eleven-year-olds. Companion- 



294 Psychology of Childhood 

ship of their own kind is what is urgently needed and con- 
stantly sought. Here there is wordless understanding, 
common aim, mutual interest, cooperative league against 
uncomprehending elders and babies. Here there are rivals 
of one's own sort and size, worthy coadjutors ; here there is 
a true democracy, adjustment to which is the main business 
in life at this time. Girls do not chum with boys at this age, 
except in rare instances, nor do boys go in " gangs " with 
girls, though they may be attracted by some special girl of 
their own age. In general, there is a distinct drawing apart 
of the sexes, a dislike for each other's ways, a lack of sympathy 
with each other's interests. Boys think girls " silly, sneaky," 
and use the word girl as a term of supreme contempt. Girls 
find boys " horrid, noisy, rough, messy " and other similar 
things. No clubs for boys and girls together are likely to 
nourish ; boys respond better to the leadership of one of their 
own sex than to that of a young girl or older woman. 

Moral development. — Kirkpatrick calls this the close of 
the period of " competitive socialization," when " the sharp 
corners of individuality are to a considerable ex- 
levei™ ml tent rubbed off or suppressed, and the individual 
mentmay is made to conform to the rule of social life. . . . 
pecte'd? Only through companionship with those like him- 
self can the child learn the natural laws of sympa- 
thy, ridicule, rivalry, etc." 1 Through this association, chil- 
dren by the age of eleven have developed a sense of honor 
and loyalty to the group that condemns tale-bearing or lying 
to one's friends, but upholds the lie to enemies or mere out- 
siders, especially on behalf of one's friends. They have 
acquired also a contempt for physical cowardice, an admira- 
tion for fearlessness, grit, and ability to endure hardship. 
They will condemn any abuse of the really little by the big, 
in spite of the frequent bullying of those not so little, and the 
thoughtless cruelty towards insects, frogs, and very small 

1 Kirkpatrick, Individual in the Making, p. 166. 



Cross Section of Child Life at Five, and at Eleven 295 

animals. Their sense of justice is strong, especially within 
the group. Abstract considerations have little weight ex- 
cept as they sum up, perhaps in proverb form, some concrete 
experience ; but, since this is also the age for voracious read- 
ing, ideals embodied in the deeds of favorite hero characters 
in fiction or history may play quite a large part in determining 
conduct. Tales of action, power, and courage appeal most to 
a boy, while for a girl, tales of devotion, romanticism, and 
sacrifice will also have an appeal. The keen desire for ad- 
venture, together with lack of personal ratification of civic 
law, makes predatory excursions of very common occurrence 
among boys. Activities that may go unnoticed in the country 
are apt to cause friction in the more densely populated town 
or city, so that instead of an indignant farmer appearing to 
give chase, a policeman may arrive to arrest for petty larceny. 
In Manhattan, during 191 2, 1913, from eight to ten per cent 
of all juvenile delinquents were eleven years old. Never- 
theless, this age is remarkably " good " compared with 
fourteen to fifteen, whether one takes the witness of the 
police courts or the gradings of conduct by day-school 
teachers. By them, 70 per cent of the eleven-year-olds were 
rated as good, in spite of the fact that the sixth grade is 
proverbially difficult to handle from the standpoint of dis- 
cipline. 

Moral standards. — Moral conduct that may reasonably 
be expected if there has been suitable training is : self-control 
in the way of willingness to take the lesser good first that 
future greater good may come, in choosing work before play, 
in giving up desired objects for the sake of much smaller or 
weaker ones, in prompt obedience to orders issued in a drill, 
in persevering in effort at a task in spite of some consequent 
discomfort, in inhibiting displays of violent temper, in in- 
hibiting — at stated times and places such as social gatherings 
for worship or other ceremonial — impulses to personal 
satisfaction at the expense of the group. The sense of honor 



296 Psychology of Childhood 

should by now include keeping promises, finishing tasks as- 
signed, acknowledging responsibility for deeds, protecting 
the weak, old, sick, or very young, treating members of the 
opposite sex in some differentiated ways, punctuality, respect 
for the property of others in the same age group. Ideals of 
loyalty to one's friends, to one's family, and to some larger 
unit, such as the school, the gang, the village, are usually 
developed, with a more shadowy, remote loyalty to the still 
larger units. Obedience should be a well-formed habit, yet 
needs to change somewhat during this year to a more ra- 
tionalized conformity with social necessities. A conscience 
is being developed with regard to duty, politeness, kindness. 
Table manners will reflect the home conditions, as will also 
the personal, modest habits. An eleven-year-old may have 
been trained to a very high degree in these matters; and 
there is no reason for permitting behavior far below the 
family's standards. Although some supervision will still 
be necessary, children of this age can be held responsible for 
the entire daily care of their own persons and immediate be- 
longings, whatever new habits may have to be acquired in 
the next few years. 

Superstition is somewhat on the wane, since there is an 
increasing interest in practical science, such as physics ; yet 
girls may retain much belief in love-lore, and boys in general 
good luck. There is a great interest in stories of heroes, and 
a lack of interest in very brief stories, particularly in those 
presenting abstract ideals of duty, or some obvious moral. 
Biographies of adventure, such as David, are favorites in 
Biblical themes ; but here it is unsafe to generalize, since 
interests and the range of information differ so tremendously 
with the kind of environment. If the religious teaching has 
been of the mild type, God is now felt as a watchful Father 
rather than as censorious parent. In quoting beliefs about 
heaven, death, etc., there is a greater caution shown by pref- 
acing statements by such phrases as " i have been told that 



Cross Section of Child Life at Five, and at Eleven 297 

. . ." "It is supposed that ..." Children of eleven to 
twelve are usually heartily averse to having an adult discuss 
with them anything religious from a personal point of view ; 
and they are profoundly reticent on the subject with their 
fellows. Exhortations are tolerated only as they are imagined 
to apply to some one else. Some few girls and still fewer 
boys have a definite religious awakening at this period. Girls 
more than boys are susceptible to the influences of color, 
beautiful music, symbolic pageantry, and the like, in acts of 
worship, and may even develop a ritual of their own deeply 
tinged with mysticism. Usually, however, this is reserved 
for a later age. 

Play interests. — The kind of play enjoyed at eleven years 
old is almost never solitary, but has a strong social charac- 
teristic. It is usually in the form of a game rather what is the 
than free play, with definite rules, a purpose, a play life 
beginning, and an end. In type of organization it ' e 
is generally an undefined group or double group, with a very 
slight beginning of cooperative teamwork towards the end 
of the period. Chiefly, however, the feeling of rivalry domi- 
nates, each player desiring to " star " in his own part even if 
the contest is between groups. Sports and games of skill 
both single and social are in great favor. Children want to 
see who can pitch a ball hardest, send it highest, jump the 
farthest, skip longest, run fastest, win most marbles, do the 
most fancy movements in roller skating, slide most swiftly, 
etc. The aim in the stunt is usually speed or accuracy, less 
often ease, least often grace. Running is a prominent feature 
of a great many games, though girls begin to slacken in this 
respect. Girls seem to enjoy rhythmic movements more 
than boys do, and to be more interested in folk dancing, 
prearranged pageantry, and dramatics. Doll-play is rapidly 
disappearing, and is probably in the stage of doll-dressmaking, 
or paper dolls. While girls will be busy with constructive 
activities allied to home-making, and may be interested in 



298 Psychology of Childhood 

ornamentation, finished detail, and the like, boys are more 
likely to use carpenters' tools, do simple engineering, ex- 
periment with pulleys, levers, electricity, water power, and 
especially to build some kind of house with whatever the 
environment offers as suitable material. Guessing games 
and games of chance are increasingly enjoyed, also the more 
passive forms of amusement, table games of various sorts, 
and reading, for which a veritable craze now sets in for many 
children. Stories of adventure are the chief joy, tales of 
heroes and their exploits, mystery tales, pioneer narratives, 
and other thrillers. Individual tastes, of course, come out 
here, some children becoming veritable storehouses of in- 
formation on miscellaneous topics, others on historical sub- 
jects, others on science, some on poetry, more on merely 
impossible fiction. The stimulated imagination frequently 
finds expression in long stories given orally to the inner circle 
of friends, or in written form ; besides detailing episodes of 
the blood-curdling variety the young authors, or rather 
authoresses, may try their hands at verse-making. Here, or 
in plays where a conclave is felt necessary, is the occasion for 
developing a secret language, from the employment of a 
shibboleth, password, incantation or what not, to the pos- 
session of quite a large-sized vocabulary useful as a barrier 
between the favored few and inquisitive outsiders. Games 
involving an intellectual feature are played with interest — 
such things as acting titles, proverbs, quotations, word-build- 
ing from long words, checkers and other board games, card 
games of authors, geography, and so forth. On the whole, 
children of eleven play a greater variety of things than either 
earlier when they do not know so many or later when they 
have lost interest in a number. 

Instincts prominent. — The instincts prominent at this 
time are : 

1. Those resulting in gross bodily control. A good deal 
of the play time, as noted above, is devoted to practicing 



Cross Section of Child Life at Five, and at Eleven 299 

certain movements, acquiring skill, perfecting accomplish- 
ments. Tree-climbing, swinging on rings, skating, bicycle- 
riding, and swimming are favorite activities that inwhat 
may be instanced in addition to the plays men- form are 
tioned earner. st incts 

2. a. Food-getting, shown in a strong tendency to shown? 
gorge with food at all times and seasons ; in an interest in 
roughly preparing and cooking food ; in hunting and chasing, 
stronger in boys than in girls. 

b. Collecting, which though at its height in the year from 
ten to eleven, now engages the interest of over ninety per 
cent of children. They will collect anything convenient 
and attractive, such as marbles, cigar tags, paper dolls, nature 
objects, pictures, and vie with each other as to who will 
have the largest collection. The predatory activities of the 
gang are also a manifestation of this group of instincts ; food 
is the principal thing taken at this age. 

c. Habitation, shown in the housekeeping activities of 
several forms of girls' play and among boys chiefly in the 
wigwam, cave, board hut or other gypsy shelter which the 
gang will construct. 

d. Migration. Though not so strong at this age as it is 
in the teens or even at a much earlier period, it appears in 
the imaginary plans for going to sea or becoming a bandit, 
in the delight in stories of discovery in all parts of the world, 
less frequently in attempts to run away from home, in steal- 
ing rides on trains and boats. This may be contrasted with 
the intense pangs of homesickness experienced by many chil- 
dren when away from familiar places and people. 

3. a. Fear is manifested chiefly in a sublimated form such 
as remnants of superstitions, responses to situations such as 
ridicule of companions, anticipated blame. Girls are prob- 
ably more timid than boys about such things as going into 
deep water, dealing with strange animals, getting on high 
places, being hurt in a fight, touching firearms, and the like, 



300 Psychology of Childhood 

unless they have been brought up with a good deal of physical 
freedom and encouraged in rough and tumble sports. 

b. Fighting, especially of the counter-attack, rivalry -in- 
combat types, is exceedingly prevalent among boys at this 
age. Since it seldom leads to permanent quarrels or aliena- 
tion and does help to develop fundamental, if crude, ideas of 
fair play, adults may well refrain from interfering to sup- 
press it. Since when allied with hunting it easily degenerates 
into bullying, a wise control with substitutions and sublima- 
tions is desirable. Girls, less than boys, tend to use feet and 
fists when this instinct is aroused. They respond more often 
with indirect attack of language, gesture, facial expression, 
resorting to pushing, slapping, or pinching when more violent 
measures are called for. The two sexes very seldom engage 
each other in actual physical fighting now, though there are 
occasions permitting hair-pulling and scratching. Males 
will more often content themselves with jeers, hoots, and 
cat-calls, females with derogatory remarks to each other 
about the offending males in their presence, or with quiet 
planning to outwit them, injure their property, or make them 
appear ridiculous. 

4. a. Among the social instincts tender affection is more 
likely to be found in girls than in boys, and in such forms as 
delight in babies, desire to " mind " them, and in patient care 
of little children up to about four years old, pride in showing 
them off. 

b. Gregariousness is more marked in boys, and is shown 
chiefly in the formation of the gang. Although beginning 
at eight or so, this tendency seems to be stronger in the years 
eleven to fourteen. Girls, being left out of so many of the 
boys' social activities, must perforce congregate with mem- 
bers of their own sex ; but it is to be questioned whether they 
seek each other's company as actively as do boys. We haw- 
no conclusive evidence on this point. With both sexes it is 
an age for chums. The particular friend chosen seems to 



Cross Section of Child Life at Five, and at Eleven 301 

be the result of casual propinquity rather than conscious 
selection for reasons of character or temperamental affinity. 

c. Attention-getting, display, mastering and submissive be- 
havior are all noticeable, but are not specially different from 
what they have been. There is a growing desire to mask 
attempts to attract attention, to feign indifference during 
acts of display on the part of boys. Towards women, girls 
may be quite demonstrative where boys will be shy, attempt- 
ing to conceal the shyness with assumed rough rudeness. 

d. So far as the sex instinct is concerned, this year falls in 
the undifferentiated period. On the physical side, since girls 
mature earlier than do boys, there will be, besides the general 
spurt of growth, some development of the secondary sex 
characteristics, and in about four to seven per cent of cases 
the appearance of the menses before the twelfth birthday. 
Instruction should include knowledge of this approaching 
change that there may be no psychic shock when it comes. 
Boys are probably more widely informed and more misin- 
formed than girls in general sex matters by this age, and are 
also more likely to have formed undesirable habits. Inde- 
terminate, uncomprehended sexual excitement may be in- 
duced by such activities as horseback or bicycle-riding, pole- 
climbing, sliding or swinging. On the psychic side there is 
rarely any genuine falling in love at this period. Rather are 
attractions and adorations casual, part of transient attach- 
ments, and felt for members of the same sex as often as not. 
It is probable that there is never any connection consciously 
realized between such physical phenomena as may be ex- 
perienced and the emotional, psychic facts. Love stories 
are not cared for now, indeed there is a marked impatience 
with them. Towards the end of the year some few girls may 
develop a romantic streak remarkably far removed from 
everyday affairs. Forced into daily companionship with 
young men not of the family there may be a perfectly child- 
like, frank chumming, or girls may become restive, shy, 



302 Psychology of Childhood 

uncertain in behavior, perhaps protectively rude without 
developing the coquetry or self-consciousness that would be 
natural at fourteen years old. To be caressed or kissed by 
such men would be an affront to the more mature, or a per- 
fectly simple matter to the less mature, wherein lies a danger, 
of course. For a boy to be kissed by a girl would be over- 
whelmingly shameful. For him to be caressed by a young 
woman would be felt as indecent and undignified ; in some 
cases there is risk of arousing unexpected instinctive reactions, 
and the practice is distinctly inadvisable. A big brother in 
the true sense is what a boy chiefly needs to steer him straight 
at this time. Both boys and girls are better managed by 
older members of the same sex. Allied with this instinct 
may be mentioned the added clothes consciousness of girls, 
and the budding chivalry towards girls and women in boys. 

e. Rivalry is a very strong tendency at this age and enters 
into almost all play and work undertaken. As noted before, 
it is individual rather than team rivalry, though the emphasis 
shifts somewhat during the year. Envy and jealousy are 
not so strong now as they may be later, and have developed 
beyond the little child's phase of coveting other toys, clothes, 
and so on. 

/. Kindliness as an instinct comes so often into opposi- 
tion with teasing, fighting, and rivalry that it does not get 
much unhindered growth ; nevertheless it is there, and is 
manifested in occasional beautiful outbursts of sympathy, 
generosity, efforts to relieve, self-denial for causes appeal- 
ingly presented, thus giving good ground for the development 
of genuine altruism. In general there is a willingness to share 
food with those who need or with those who are friends, to 
help the weak or injured, to do things for the defective, to be 
glad at others' happiness. 

5. Among other instinctive tendencies now prominent 
may be mentioned manipulation, a big factor in mam- ac- 
tivities besides the plays already noted ; curiosity, the motive 



Cross Section of Child Life at Five, and at Eleven 303 

power for much acquisition of knowledge about concrete 
physical realities ; language interest, leading to appreciation of 
puns, conundrums, ciphers, puzzles, aphorisms, parabolic 
utterances, to the practice already illustrated of inventing 
verbal symbols, languages, and the writing of poems and 
stories, also to the ease with which new languages may be 
acquired. A sense of humor is further manifested in the use 
of nicknames, in contriving practical jokes, perhaps in the 
rather frequent and continuous laughter. 

Mental characteristics. — Intellectually, children at this 
age have learned a great deal through their perceptual ex- 
periences, they have greatly refined and clarified 
their perceptual processes, and are still tremen- tne a Jmerai 
dously interested in the physical world about them, mental 
Keenly observant of all sorts of details, they are C i s ^f er ' 
less subject than are adults to such illusions as 
depend on ignoring things grown familiar through long use. 
Their school training has emphasized their natural eye- 
mindedness in the process of learning to read and use books, 
but even yet it does not appeal to the eye in other ways as 
well as it might do with objects rather than pictures and dia- 
grams rather than oral descriptions. Still less has it provided 
for the hands in constructive activities, though to explore thus 
the use and action of objects is of vital interest to children. 

At this age the creative imagination is realistic rather 
than idealistic; so also is the constructive imagery and the 
attempt to imitate. The reproductive imagery, in which- 
ever form it is employed, is fairly good at this time in point 
of accuracy. Memory itself is concrete rather than abstract ; 
but already there are well-marked individual differences in 
the type of thing best remembered, some children excelling 
with sensed and perceived facts, others with numbers, symbols, 
verbal systems, desultory facts, others with associated in- 
formation about objects. From these facts about memory, 
and since the time sense is well developed, it is a good time 



304 Psychology of Childhood 

to teach history as connected, sequential narrative. The 
interest and memory will center round the deeds rather than 
about such abstract things as political motives, terms of 
treaties, changes in constitutions. Again, since the rhythm 
sense is strong, reproductive imagery good, and muscle dex- 
terity being coordinated, it is a good time to have children of 
special ability trained at some musical instrument ; to start 
only in the teens is too late, so far as technique goes. Again, 
since there is a language interest it is an excellent age for 
acquiring a wide vocabulary in one's own and foreign tongues, 
for memorizing the more formal aspects of geography, gram- 
mar, and the like, as well as literary selections. Verbal learn- 
ing comes particularly easy at this age, an advantageous fact 
so far as remembering paradigms, lists of facts, mere words 
is concerned, disadvantageous so far as the habit of appre- 
ciating the meaning of whole passages is desired. Somewhere 
about now comes the greatest relative increase of immediate 
memory, though this sort of retention is less good than it is 
in adult life. The power of prolonged retention is still on 
the increase, so that, taken together, these two facts explain 
this " golden age of memory." 

The power of forming abstractions is not good, nor is the 
interest in abstract truth, nor the memory for abstract things. 
Concepts of time, of space, and of number are fairly well 
developed within the limits of daily experience and of vivid 
imagination. On the whole, concepts are chiefly in the form 
of generic imagery or generalized analogy to some specific 
instance. As a result, reasoning for reasoning's sake seldom 
interests children at this age, conduct is seldom generalized, 
money values need to be personalized, aesthetic and ethical 
values need to be made specific and concrete. 

It is an age when the emotions arc strong, the volitional 
impulses are also strong, but self-control is still weak. Al- 
though freedom for initiative in moral, aesthetic, and intel- 
lectual fields is very necessary, the opportunity for this must 



Cross Section of Child Life at Five, and at Eleven 305 

be restricted and balanced with frequent direction ; impartial 
control is equally important for the developing eleven-year- 
olds, and is, moreover, appreciated by them. 

Mental tests. — In the last revision of the Binet general 
intelligence tests there is no set for this special age; but a 
mental age of eleven would be attained by any child 
passing all the ten-year tests and half those for S01 ^lZ e the 
twelve years, or, of course, nearly all the ten-year tests/or 
tests and scattered tests in the higher ages. Thus a( ^?"? 
he should be able to give the meanings of from 
thirty-five to forty words from the selected list, indicating 
a working vocabulary of 6300 to 7200 words. He should 
be able to detect the absurdities in the test sentences, draw 
the standard simple designs from memory, give the sub- 
stance of a simple paragraph read, name at least sixty words 
in three minutes, and pass the " comprehension tests " of 
the tenth-year series. At twelve he should be able : (1) to 
define satisfactorily three out of the five abstract words 
pity, revenge, charity, justice, envy; (2) to rearrange mentally 
the scattered words of three dissected sentences ; (3) to repeat 
backwards five digits given orally; (4) to interpret two out 
of five fables read ; (5) to interpret rather than merely enu- 
merate the objects in three designated pictures out of four 
shown ; (6) to pass the practical judgment " ball and field " 
test, and (7) to show power of analysis in naming similarities 
between certain things. 

School standards in various countries. — Of added interest 
are the standards of work expected of eleven-year-old 
children in schools of different types in different a 6i7tois 
countries. 1 In the French elementary schools expected of 
children of eleven who had progressed without any JJSS? * 
setback would be in the first year of the senior 

1 Up to 1914 as far as some of the data are concerned. Details based on 
commissioners' reports, published syllabi, principal's workplans, also specific 
studies of Preston, London, and Liverpool, England, and New York City. 



306 Psychology of Childhood 

division, in the German Volksschule in the Mittelstufe, in 
England in standard 6, in the States in the sixth grade. In 
all, about the same group of subjects would be studied, e.g. 
the mother tongue, including grammar, oral and written 
composition, reading, spelling and dictation, and literature ; 
also history, geography, singing, drawing, easy science, arith- 
metic, some form of manual or industrial arts, woodwork, 
cookery or sewing, according to sex and locality ; but no 
foreign language. In Germany and England religious in- 
struction is added, civics in the States. Geometry is begun 
in France and Germany, is related to arithmetic in England, 
chiefly to the drawing in New York City. Algebra as far 
as simple equations is included in England. In arithmetic, 
children in all four countries study fractions and decimals, 
some commercial forms, reduction in weights and measures, 
and mensuration. German children begin percentage, Eng- 
lish children are introduced to the metric system, American 
children spend most of their time on percentage. In the 
grammar of the mother tongue, German children are busy 
with irregular nouns, compound tenses, adverbial extensions, 
subjunctives and conditional moods, with an intensive study 
of pronouns. English children study sentence analysis and 
the syntax of all parts of speech. New York City children 
do not begin a formal study of technical grammar until this 
year, so take only a rough analysis of sentences, simple in- 
flections, and syntax of parts of speech, excluding verbs. 

Eleven-year-olds may be found in some type of secondary 
school such as the lycee in France, the gymnasium in Germany, 
the grammar or high school in England, the lower classes of 
some private school in America. In these last the course of 
study is so nearly like that of the elementary school sixth 
grade, except for the possible beginning of one foreign lan- 
guage, that no further comparison of the details for secondary 
schools in the States is made here. 

In France, of children who attend the lycees, a boy of 



Cross Section of Child Life at Five, and at Eleven 307 

eleven would be normally in the lowest class of the secondary 
school with a program of 22 or 23 school hours a week. He 
will have already studied a modern language for two or three 
years and may now, according to the type of course he elects, 
begin Latin. 11 to 15 of his school hours all together will 
be spent on language, including the mother tongue. His 
eleven-year-old sister would be in the top class of the pre- 
paratory school, getting ready to enter the five-year second- 
ary course proper. She, too, would be putting over one 
seventh of her time on modern languages, less than that on 
the two subjects, history and geography, only half an hour 
a week on any science. 

In Germany, rather different programs and standards are 
used in the various types of secondary schools. A boy 
going to the Realschule or to the Oberrealschule, or a girl 
attending the Lyzeum or the Higher Girls' School, would 
be in the third year of French, but has had no Latin. 
A boy attending the Gymnasium or the Realgymnasium has 
had two years of Latin by this time and now begins French. 

An eleven-year-old boy in a secondary school in England 
(not the preparatory schools for the famous " public " schools, 
but the kind more nearly corresponding to those already 
described) would be studying both Latin and French, geom- 
etry, symbolized arithmetic preparatory to beginning algebra, 
and nature study — less mathematics than in the elementary 
school, standard 6, it will be noted. A girl would now begin 
French if she were transferred from an elementary school, 
but may have studied it for two years previously. She 
would begin algebra, take geometry in connection with 
drawing, begin physics, and continue with nature study in 
the field of botany. 

The following table shows the distribution of periods per 
week for the different subjects in the various types of second- 
ary schools in the countries discussed. It is less standardized 
in England than in Germany or France, but typical arrange- 



3 o8 



Psychology of Childhood 



ments are shown. These are, in each case, the arrangements 
for eleven-year-olds, in school periods, unless stated to be in 
clock hours. 



Religion or Ethics 
Mother tongue 
Latin . . . 
Modern language 
History 
Geography 
Mathematics 
Science 
Drawing . 
Writing 
Music . . 
Manual arts 
Physical training 



GIRLS BOYS 






* Clock hours. 



t Begun. 



? Not stated definitely 



Exercise 

Gather facts and make similar statements for eight-year-old 
children. 

Questions for Discussion 

i. Of what value are such studies as these in this chapter? 
2. What statements made would be invalidated by : 

(a) great differences in mental age? 

(b) differences in physiological age? 

(c) racial differences? 



Cross Section of Child Life at Five, and at Eleven 309 

3. What good stories descriptive of child life do you know? 
What makes you think them good ? 

References for Reading 

Kirkpatrick, The Individual in the Making, chs. 5, 6. 
Pease, Bible School Curriculum, chs. 1, 3, 5, 7. 
Tyler, Growth and Education, chs. 8, 10, 11, 12. 



CHAPTER XVI 
EXCEPTIONAL CHILDREN 

BOUNDARIES OF ORDINARY AND EXCEPTIONAL. 

— We cannot classify children, any more than we can adults, 
what is an ^ nto discrete groups consisting of ordinary and ex- 
exceptionai ceptional. Whatever quality we consider, what- 
ever group of abilities we measure, we find that 
pupils are distributed along a continuous scale the whole 
range of which we are perhaps unable to discover. Distribu- 
tion does not occur evenly along this scale, however, but most 
ratings of ability cluster around a mediocre point, while the 
further we look in either direction the fewer ratings are found. 
Thus, in measurements of the height of a group of adult women 
of the same race we should find most of them around 5 ft. 3 to 

4 inches, fewer between 5 ft. and 5 ft. 3, or 5 ft. 4 and 5 ft. 7, 
fewer still between these points and 4 ft. 8 on the one hand and 

5 ft. 9 on the other, fewest of all beyond these last points. 
Yet where is the line to be drawn between ordinary and ex- 
ceptional? And just as we find all degrees of stature rather 
than distinct groups differing from each other by an inch, so 
we find all degrees of variability in any trait we examine, 
blindness, nervousness, morality, or general intelligence, and 
we must keep in mind that to be " exceptional " is a matter 
of fine shadings of differences. Just, however, as the dwarf 
or the giant or the idiot or the genius claim our attention be- 
cause they are so obviously towards the vanishing point of 
the possible range of abilities, so it becomes a relatively easy 
task to describe such extreme variations from mediocrity. 



Exceptional Children 311 

We must remember always that in proportion as any one de- 
parts at all from the conventional standard, these descriptions 
will fit him in part. Thus, the student may find character- 
istics of the neurasthenic, the precocious, or the moral imbecile 
all hereinafter to be described, either by introspection or by 
observation in acquaintances ; but this need not be a dis- 
turbing consideration. It should rather make us awake to 
the value of prevention rather than cure and to the necessity 
for right treatment, so as to establish poise and adjustment 
socially. 

Neither can there be a hard and fast line between intel- 
lectual, physical, and moral scales of measuring. Such are 
artificial divisions of a unitary individual. Relief How can 
of physical disorder may bring about moral im- ^^be™ 
provement or intellectual development; training classified? 
along volitional and emotional lines may relieve nervous dis- 
orders, just as undue pressure may induce them ; wise moral 
training tends to intellectual sanity. However, for conven- 
ience sake, we may think of deviations from the normal on 
the minus and on the plus side in these three fields. Thus, 
we have criminals, degenerates, moral imbeciles, selfish 
people, troublesome cases — ■ shading up to the good, those of 
fine character, the reformers, and the saints. We have also 
the blind, deaf, paralyzed, diseased, sickly, anaemic, and what 
not — ■ shading up to the healthy, thoroughly sound, super- 
energetic among us. We have the idiots, feeble-minded, and 
so on, shading up to the bright, precocious, and geniuses that 
exist. It is noteworthy that as so many more causes are likely 
to bring people down in the scale than to send them up, so 
our attention has been centered more on those that deviate 
in a minus direction from what we regard as the norm, and 
even our nomenclature is fuller here than in the upper end of 
the range. 

EXCEPTIONAL MORALITY. — Taking the field of morals 
first, — there are people in whom a moral defect is latent, 



312 Psychology of Childhood 

who are lacking in any sense of obligation, any feeling of 
shame or repugnance at thoughts of immoral acts. Children 
What is a * n wnom sucn attitudes cannot be cultivated are 
moral defec- potential criminals, though their intelligence may 
tive i e k e high enough to keep them from transgressing 
any legal code. Others exist who form immoral or criminal 
habits in spite of the law of unpleasant results, who seem 
unable to check their undesirable tendencies. Certain in- 
stincts, such as self-display, bullying, the sex instinct, jealousy, 
acquisition, may be perverted either singly or in combi- 
nation with others; or there may be a general instability 
of control, a high degree of suggestibility and other rather 
general volitional disorders. 

These divergencies may coexist with all sorts of degrees 
of intellect apparently. Cases of precocious children are 
known who vary from being non-social, disagreeable, to being 
morbidly egoistic, oblivious of the rights of others, possessing 
tendencies to suicide. Many at the high end of the distribu- 
tion for intellect show no minus abnormalities of behavior 
but rather a deviation in the plus direction. On the other 
hand some few criminals and those of vicious propensities are 
highly intelligent, while among inmates of prisons, reforma- 
tories, and the like, a large proportion of feeble-minded persons 
are found. Exact measurements are exceedingly scanty here ; 1 
but Woods and Pearson find a positive correlation between 
character and intellectual ability of about -f- .4 to + .5. When 
moral defectives are demonstrably below the norm in intelli- 
gence also they are termed moral imbeciles. They are tech- 
nically described as persons who display from an early age, 
and in spite of careful upbringing, strong vicious or criminal 
propensities, on which punishment has little or no deterrent 

1 Consult Dolbear, Ped. Sem. vol. 19. 
Garrison, Burk, Hollingworth. Jour. Appl. Psych, vol. 1. 
Woods, Mental and Moral Heredity in Royalty. 
Pearson, Biometrika, vol. 5, pp. 105-146. 
Compare lives of Chatterton, Rousseau, DeWitte, Goethe, Bach. 



Exceptional Children 313 

effect. If they are of low grade mentally, they exhibit bestial 
tendencies ; if of middle grade they are irresponsible and mis- 
chievous ; if of high grade they seem to possess a " genius for 
evil.'' 1 

Causes. — The causes of these moral divergencies are 
varied and multiple. Heredity's influence is shown in that 
large numbers of criminals and delinquents come what causes 
from neuropathic stock, the statistics available exceptional 
giving a morbid inheritance in from 23 to 77 per moraht y ? 
cent of the custodial cases. 2 Faulty training may reveal or 
accentuate bad traits, just as careful training may reduce 
their potency. Poor environment may stifle the growth of 
desirable original tendencies, while a good environment may 
develop to the highest such good heredity as is there. The 
combined influence of heredity and environment is seen in 
studies of such families as the Jukes, the Kallikaks, the Ed- 
wards. 

Diagnosis. — The diagnosis of exceptional morality is not 
so easy as it might seem. For instance, emotional instability 
with extreme departures from normal behavior Who shall 
may be a temporary condition due to the emer- diagnose, 
gence of long-repressed instincts, or a mere phase an ow 
of adolescent growth, or a symptom of dementia praecox, 
or an expression of psychic epilepsy, or the result of 
an admired companion's influence. A vacillating, weak, 
day-dreamy condition may be due to hysteria, to mal- 
nutrition, to rapid physical growth, to defective sense organs, 
to a lack of sympathetic fellows, to precocity in love 
affairs. Fits of perversity may be the accompaniment of an 
ingrained perversion of instincts, of defective cranial develop- 
ment, of reflex nerve disturbances from impacted teeth, of 
unusually strict, repressive control. Marked " goodness " 
is less apt to be recognized, perhaps, since it gives us so little 

1 Barr, Mental Defectives, p. 90. 

2 Tredgold, Mental Deficiency, pp. 297-298. 



314 Psychology of Childhood 

concern, involving as it does better social adjustment. The 
social worker, the parent, the teacher, the physician, and the 
psychologist may all be needed to assist in the diagnosis of 
various cases. 

Treatment. — Legal control becomes necessary for children 
of vicious, morbid, criminal tendencies so pronounced as to 

render them a danger to society. Those not liable 
themomlly to institutional care are likely to cause teacher 
exceptional and parent great trouble. Remedial physical 
treated? measures under a doctor's advice should claim the 

attention first, then great care to hygienic living. 
Intelligence tests may be administered under a clinical psychol- 
ogist's direction, and a special method of teaching determined 
upon. The social conditions and relationships need to be 
investigated. The weak parent who " spoils " the children, 
the morbidly anxious parent who nags and never leaves them 
alone, the stern parent who seeks to suppress, the ignorant 
parent who fails to provide stimuli and results of the right 
kind, the selfish parent who takes no interest in the children's 
development — these and others need to be reasoned with. 
Redirection of instincts and reeducation of habits are generally 
necessary for the children themselves, with healthy outlet 
for the imagination, problems of conduct definitely criticized 
and judged. Experiments in moral reeducation vary in 
nature from providing the most rigid type of military dis- 
cipline with autocratic regulation of every detail of life, to 
conditions of free self-government imitated from democratic 
institutions. We are not yet sure enough of the results to 
be dogmatic on the point of which is best in general. For 
specific children it may be a matter of the degree of mental 
inferiority which shall decide the policy of segregation and 
permanent supervision, as in the case of the moral imbecile 
or psychic epileptic who prove unable to benefit from the 
exhibitions of social disapproval found in a " junior republic." 
Or it may be a matter of the degree and kind of moral diver- 



Exceptional Children 315 

gence which shall indicate the advisability of permanent con- 
trol, or of assistance in assuming responsibility, self-direction, 
leadership. 

EXCEPTIONAL PHYSICAL CONDITIONS. — Cases of 
physical divergence from the norm on the minus side will 
include sense defects, abnormalities in height, what kinds 
weight, rate of growth, and maturing, conditions ofexcep- 
due to toxic poisoning, nervous disorders of various f°£° n. VS ~ 
kinds, conditions due to special injury. Some of ditions 
these first listed have been discussed in an earlier s te ™ h J e 
chapter ; some, such as cretinism, will be taken up know 
in connection with feeble-mindedness. 

Nervous disorders include epilepsy, hysteria, chorea, habit 
spasms, neurasthenia, dementia praecox. 

Epilepsy. Kinds and cause. — Epilepsy is known in four 
forms — -grand mal, petit mal, Jacksonian, and psychic epilepsy. 
The first is marked by fits of unconsciousness lasting from five 
to twenty minutes, preceded in some cases by premonitory 
signals ; the second by unconsciousness lasting only a few 
seconds, so that its existence may pass unnoticed. Jacksonian 
epilepsy is distinguished by localized rather than general con- 
vulsions and by no unconsciousness ; the psychic form involves 
abnormal behavior, emotional outbursts rather than rigidity 
of muscles, and violent spasms, but is like the first form in 
that the child does not remember afterwards what he did. 
The immediate cause of epilepsy is a disorder of the motor 
areas of the brain. Such things as irritation in the intestinal 
tract, or a tumor pressing on the brain substance may bring 
on a seizure. By far the greater number of cases are due to 
poor heredity in which alcoholism, syphilis, or insanity is 
present. It may be coincident with genius or with feeble- 
mindedness, with health otherwise good, or with insanity. 
Frequent and severe attacks bring about mental deterioration. 

Diagnosis and treatment. — The detection of epilepsy in 
the first and third forms described is easy even for the layman, 



316 Psychology of Childhood 

not always so with the fourth, scarcely ever with the second. 
In consequence of the difficulty in these forms, much injustice 
may have been done to sufferers from this disease. True 
epilepsy is practically incurable. Children subject to it 
should be taught in special classes, both for their own sakes 
and to avoid upsetting other children. A quiet, regular life, 
free from excitement, with plenty of occupation, is what is 
chiefly needed. Any habits that might increase the general 
instability, such as the use of alcohol, should be avoided. 
Sometimes a treatment with bromides is ordered, or, in special 
cases of the Jacksonian form, surgical measures will afford 
relief. Epileptics should not marry. 

Hysteria. Characteristics. — Hysteria is a functional dis- 
ease resulting from nervous instability, manifesting itself in 
lessened mental control. Though not developing till middle 
to late adolescence, the earlier years are important in predis- 
posing to this trouble. The characteristics are chiefly in- 
stability of emotional control, abnormal suggestibility, in- 
ordinate love of day-dreaming, a tendency so completely to 
banish unpleasant emotional experiences that they drop out 
of memory and tend to originate a sort of dissociated person- 
ality. Various kinds of motor and sensory disturbances may 
occur, from simulated epileptic fits to the development of 
areas of anaesthesia. Real epidemics of hysterical origin are 
reported to have taken place among school children due to 
psychic contagion. 

Diagnosis and treatment. — Since hysteria may assume the 
outward form of almost any disease, ranging from deafness, 
dyspepsia, and the like, to paralysis, it is a difficult matter 
for even the physician to diagnose it. As mental hygiene is 
more important for its cure than mere physical regulation, 
the wise treatment of it lies largely in the hands of the teacher. 
Sometimes it may be well to remove the sufferer entirely from 
home influences and give him much outdoor life. Self-con- 
trol must be encouraged and trained, objective interests sup- 



Exceptional Children 317 

plied to counteract introspection, occupations provided to 
guard against the dangers of idleness, and, for the more overt 
symptoms, simple suggestive measures rather than scolding 
or any talk which draws the attention constantly to them. 

Chorea. Symptoms and treatment. — Chorea, or St. Vitus 
dance, as it is popularly called, is a disease commonest be- 
tween the ages of eight and fifteen, especially prevalent in 
the spring months, and from two to three times as frequent 
in girls as in boys. About one per cent of children suffer from 
it. It is characterized by intensive, uncontrollable jerks and 
twitches of the face, head, limbs, or sometimes all of them, in 
severe cases by interference with speech and swallowing. 
The mental characteristics are capriciousness, instability, 
poor sleep, perhaps with nightmare. It may come on so 
gradually as not to be noticed in the early stages ; it lasts 
from six to twelve weeks and may then entirely cease. In 
most cases there is a history of rheumatism as well as nervous 
instability, and a majority have heart symptoms also. As 
the onset is so gradual, it is often not properly diagnosed nor 
treated early enough. The children are considered clumsy, 
peevish, awkward, and are perhaps scolded. At a later stage 
there is little difficulty in recognizing what is the trouble. 
Choreic children should be immediately removed from school 
— partly to prevent psychic contagion — and put to bed 
for absolute rest away from relatives and friends till all symp- 
toms have subsided and there is no danger of a recurrent 
attack. 

Tics. — Habit spasms, or tics, are sometimes mistaken for 
chorea, but consist of violent contractions of an isolated 
muscle, or group of muscles, rather than the irregularly dis- 
tributed, non-predictable jerks of chorea. They represent a 
functional disorder, probably of the medulla, and are often 
associated with reflex irritation, anaemia, obsessions, and other 
emotional complexes. Great effort to control them may 
result in a temporary cessation, but the spasm may reappear 



318 Psychology of Childhood 

in some other location. Sympathetic help in self-control is 
needed rather than severe attempts at repression. If psychic 
in origin, they may be helped wonderfully by suggestion. 

Neurasthenia. Characteristics and cause. — Neurotic, un- 
stable children should be specially guarded, since this condi- 
tion is too often the forerunner of serious mental disorders, 
including insanity, in adult life. About 5 per cent of children 
of school age are neurotic, meaning by that that they are suf- 
ficiently far down the scale of nervous stability to make them 
susceptible to emotional complexes which will interfere with 
good adjustment to the outside world. The chief character- 
istics may include, on the physical side, headaches, gastric 
disorders, sleeplessness, uncoordinated movements. On the 
psychic side we may notice eccentricity, oversensitivity or 
sometimes its opposite extreme listlessness and indifference to 
the opinion of others, timidity amounting to fear, oppressive 
terrors, ready fatigability from any exertion, together with 
a growing dislike for set tasks, absorption in imaginary situa- 
tions, rare joining in with other children's occupations, dif- 
ficulty in reaching decisions. This inner sense of uncertainty, 
this lack of self-assurance shows outwardly not only in timid- 
ity, refusal to face facts, especially disagreeable ones, squarely, 
but in an apparently opposite characteristic — that of extrav- 
agant, aggressive, egotistic self-assertion. Adler explains 
this predominant characteristic as a " compensation " for 
the concealed inner state. 

Diagnosis. — The tendency to neurasthenia is markedly 
hereditary, aggravated by unhygienic ways of living such as 
short sleeping hours, the use of stimulants, much social dissi- 
pation, and by unwise training such as narrow repressions, 
overdevelopment of religious scruples, lack of sound sex edu- 
cation. The diagnosis should, as in the other disorders men- 
tioned, be made by an expert ; but the teacher may well 
watch for symptoms such as those noted above, and for others 
including inability to sit still or to keep the hands still when 



Exceptional Children 319 

outstretched, extremes of emotionalism, sex perversions, 
morbidity, excessive day-dreaming, attacks of dizziness, mal- 
nutrition. 

Treatment. — The treatment must be along the following 
lines: (1) removal of any irritant causes, such as adenoids, 
bad teeth; (2) replacing unhygienic living habits 
by much quiet rest, overfeeding, and outdoor life ; neurotic 
(3) habituation to courageous acts, prevention of childrenbe 
imaginary fears by quiet reassurance, and a rea- 
soned, sympathetic investigation ; (4) habituation to brave 
moral acts, particularly in facing painful consequences of con- 
duct, accepting failure or blame at face value, deciding about 
problems rather than evading the issue, and facing difficulties 
promptly. This may save them from the disturbing influence 
of repressed emotional complexes ; (5) provision of oppor- 
tunities for social interchange with other children, especially 
in free play and in all sorts of games. This engenders self- 
confidence, teaches many moral lessons of cause and effect, 
gives an outlet for the overwrought imagination, and lessens 
the chance for an unwholesome withdrawal into self; (6) 
establishment of impartial adult control, neither vacillating 
nor strict, which shall train to self-control and steadfastness, 
which redirects sympathetically rather than endeavors to 
repress, which encourages a frank relation between the child 
and the adult so that grief, sex trouble, humiliations, disap- 
pointments, and so forth may be confided instead of dwelt 
upon morbidly, ventilated, so to speak, rather than being left 
to generate an unhealthy atmosphere ; (7) the supply of use- 
ful activity, work that shall be interesting and adapted to 
the child's ability, which will occupy his attention and favor 
further normal development. 

Dementia praecox. — Dementia precox is a very prevalent 
form of insanity which attacks adolescents particularly. Its 
chief symptom is an aversion to things practical, and an excess 
of fantastic dreaming which gradually weakens effective 



320 Psychology of Childhood 

volition so that the individual is content to substitute imagined 
for real deeds. A poor nervous inheritance is the chief cause 
of this disease. Full diagnosis is, of course, not the teacher's 
business ; but the presence of the condition noted, in general 
of " a cleavage between mere thought life and the life of 
actual application " l should arouse the teacher to a realization 
of the grave danger possible, so that expert advice may be 
sought. The general principles of mental hygiene apply to 
the treatment of suspected cases, emphasizing activity and 
objective interests. 

EXCEPTIONAL MENTALITY. —Cases of divergence from 

the norm in intelligence will include the dull, the backward, 

the aments on the one hand, and bright, precocious 

How are .... . . ° ' r 

subnormal children on the other. 

intelligences Subnormal mentality. — On the minus side the 

classified? , 

degrees of intelligence grade down through the 
backward, the moron, the imbecile, to the idiot. Backward 
children are those whose mental growth is retarded from some 
environmental condition, such as a disease. Improvement 
up to normal may be expected if the adverse condition can be 
removed and special measures taken. Morons are the highest 
division of the class known as feeble-minded, or, more properly 
aments, and are defined as those capable of earning a living 
under favorable circumstances, but incapable, from mental 
defect existing from birth, or from an early age (a) of 
competing on equal terms with normal people, or (b) of manag- 
ing themselves and their affairs with ordinary prudence. 
Imbeciles are defined as those who by reason of mental defect 
existing from birth, or from an early age, are incapable of 
earning their own living, but are capable of guarding them- 
selves against common physical dangers. Idiots are the 
lowest in the scale and are defined as those so deeply defective 
in mind from birth, or from an early age, that they are unable 
to guard themselves against common physical dangers. Each 

1 Meyer, Psych. Clinic, 1908, p. 96. 



Exceptional Children 321 

step of the scale may be further divided into high, middle, and 
low grade, so that we may speak of a high-grade moron, 
middle-grade or low-grade moron, similarly for the imbecile 
and the idiot. 

The above definitions have been in use since 1908, when 
they were used by the Royal Commission on the Care and 
Control of the Feeble-minded on the recommendation of the 
Royal College of Physicians, London. Some confusion has 
existed, nevertheless, in regard to the use of these terms. In 
America the designation " feeble-minded " has been popularly 
applied to cover all three steps of the scale rather than to only 
the highest step, as in England. There " mental defective " 
signifies any of the three steps. Norsworthy in 1906, following 
Ireland, has used " idiot " in the same generic sense. The 
student will do well to standardize his nomenclature, using 
" aments " as a preferred generic term for those found in the 
various stages of idiot, imbecile or moron. Amentia means 
" a state of mental defect from birth, or from an early age, 
due to incomplete cerebral development, in consequence of 
which the person affected is unable to perform his duties as a 
member of society in the position of life to which he is born." 1 
The condition must be distinguished from dementia and from 
insanity. While in amentia the brain tissues have not de- 
veloped properly, uniformly, to the normal degree, in dementia 
they are degenerating, and in insanity they function in per- 
verted manner. (Compare a piece of machinery with some 
parts missing, some parts worn out, some parts geared 
wrong.) 

Besides these grades of mental deficiency certain clinical 
types exist, amounting perhaps, taken all together, to about 
15 per cent of all cases of amentia. Such are the microceph- 
alic, the mongolian, the hydrocephalic, the cretin, each of 
which may be found in different degrees and which will be 
described in its proper place. 

1 Tredgold, Mental Deficiency, p. 2. 



322 Psychology of Childhood 

Physical characteristics. — The characteristics of aments 
in general may be considered from the physical and mental 
What are standpoints. Physically there is among them a 
character" 1 & reater prevalence of " stigmata of degeneration " 
istksof than among children higher in the scale of intelli- 
aments? gence ; that is, they show more anomalies per in- 
dividual than do their more favored companions. This does' 
not mean that any are necessarily present, nor that their pos- 
session indicates amentia. These stigmata include defects 
of the palate, delayed and bad dentition, badly shaped ears, 
nose, lips, a peculiar tongue with considerable slavering; a 
malformed skull, anomalies of the genital organs, certain skin 
secretions, poor circulation, stunted growth. Of the special 
types, the microcephalic has a specially small, " sugar-loaf " 
head and generally small stature. The hydrocephalic has 
usually a much enlarged skull. The mongolian is small, has 
a small skull, flattened face with slanting eyes — hence the 
name — a large, fissured tongue, broad, clumsy feet and hands 
with generally a small, incurved little finger. The cretin 
is greatly dwarfed, with short, bowed legs, badly formed ex- 
tremities, a protuberant belly, a short, thick neck, large head, 
eyes wide apart, a flat nose, large, coarse tongue, swollen eye- 
lids, coarse hair, dry, rough skin. The peculiar appearance 
of these special types should not make us forget that from 
80 per cent to 90 per cent of all cases of amentia belong to no 
special type, and may have no distinguishing physical signs. 
Paralysis may complicate the condition, affecting the growth 
of the limbs on one side ; epilepsy is another frequent con- 
comitant. 

Mental characteristics. — The mental ability of aments may 
What are be affected by special sense defects; even if not, 
the mental their sense discrimination is usually weak. On the 

character- . . ,. ,. 

istksof expressive side, we may notice poor motor coordi- 
amentia? nation, poor control of bladder and bowels, delayed 
walking, instability of emotions contrasting with almost no 



Exceptional Children 323 

excitability, possibly some degenerate habits arising from per- 
verted instincts such as masturbation, eating filth. Talking 
is frequently delayed, and a speech defect is common, known 
as " lalling " ; this involves difficulty in enunciating certain 
consonants, particularly th, r, y, s, g, ng, sh, k, v, 1. Con- 
sidering the higher mental processes they are sluggish in their 
thinking, are unduly suggestible, have a poor memory span, 
have little creative imagination. They are so inferior in as- 
sociative processes that they form habits, or learn, very slowly. 
Their reasoning is almost non-existent, since they are scarcely 
able to analyze or to form and to react to abstractions. They 
have scant power of attention. Of these characteristics, the 
last few named are the most significant for the teacher 
to remember. Naturally these abilities are present, or 
rather absent, in varying degrees, as we descend the steps 
of the scale. 

Cause. — Amentia results, in about 90 per cent of all cases, 
from hereditary influences. Of these, by far the largest factor 
is some disease of the nervous system ; other less what causes 
important factors are alcoholism and syphilis. The amentia? 
other 10 per cent of cases result from environmental influences, 
such as some disease, or alcoholism of the mother during preg- 
nancy, injuries received to the head before, during or after 
birth, certain toxic poisons resulting from infectious diseases, 
defective gland action affecting nutrition. More specifically, 
the great majority of cases of simple amentia of whatever 
degree are due to neuropathic taint, as is also microcephaly, 
while the mongolian type is due possibly to syphilis, possibly 
to " morbid heredity and uterine exhaustion." 1 These may 
be called primary amentia. Of secondary amentia, due to 
extrinsic conditions, paralysis may be produced by lesions due 
to hemorrhage, cysts and tumors pressing on the brain. Gen- 
eral amentia, hydrocephaly, or paralysis may result from 
poisons following diseases such as diphtheria, syphilis, or 

1 Tredgold, Mental Deficiency, p. 184. 



324 Psychology of Childhood 

meningitis. Cretinism is due to a lack of the secretions of 
the thyroid gland. Other conditions, such as rickets, tuber- 
culosis, deprivation of the senses, may complicate amentia, 
but it is doubtful if they can cause it. Among other doubtful 
causes are tuberculosis of the parents, great discrepancy in 
the age of the parents or advanced age, consanguinity, though 
these are often mentioned as possible causes. 

Diagnosis, who makes it ? — The diagnosis of backward- 
ness or feeble-mindedness is a matter for the joint action of the 
Who should teacher, the social worker, the physician, and the 
diagnose psychologist. With the discovery of the lowest 
amentia? d e g rees f amentia, and with the special types, 
the teacher has commonly nothing to do. They are the con- 
cern chiefly of the doctor and of the institution to which they 
are sent. It is with the retarded and dull pupils, the " border- 
line cases," the high- and middle-grade morons that the teacher 
will come in contact. It is her business to watch for and re- 
port cases of children two or three years older than the normal 
age for the grade in which they are working, and to send them 
to the proper expert for examination. General intelligence 
tests are now being devised which may be given to whole 
classes simultaneously and serve as a rough sieve to separate 
the less fit from the rest. The social worker might likewise 
discover cases of children several years behind their fellows 
inability, but her chief work is to investigate for environmental 
conditions which may help the physician in his diagnosis or 
the psychologist in his prescription of treatment. It is the 
physician's business to make a thorough physical examina- 
tion of the selected cases, and to get the family — heredity 
— history and the personal history of injuries, diseases, 
dates of development, and so forth, to date. The psychol- 
ogist's business is to examine the school record of the 
selected cases to date, and to make a mental examination. 
Upon the combined results of all these investigations the 
diagnosis depends, but the final word should be left to the 



Exceptional Children 325 

clinical psychologist, the problem lying mainly in the field 
of psychology. 1 

how diagnosis is made. — The method of mental examina- 
tion has been fairly well standardized. It involves giving a 
series of tests and rating the performance of the o/what 
child on an objective scale. One such is known as d <>esthe 
the Yerkes Point Scale. It consists of twenty tests, amination 
weighted in the scoring, with a possible maximum consist? 
score of 100. The average rating obtained by 5-year-old 
normal children is 22 or more, by 8-year-olds is 39+, by 12- 
year-olds is 74 + , and so on. The score obtained by any 
child tested divided by the norm for his age gives what is called 
the " coefficient of intellectual ability " ; thus a score of 6 
obtained by a child between four and five years of age divided 
by I 5, which is the normal score for that age, gives a coefficient 
of .40. The " mental age " is determined by finding the age 
for which the obtained score is the norm. Thus any child 
of whatever age scoring at 39 has a mental age of 8. 

A better known scale is that devised by Binet, published 
in 1905, revised by Goddard in 1908, by Binet in 1911, by 
Terman in 191 6. In this the various tests are arranged by 
age groups, each group representing what 75 per cent of nor- 
mal children can do at that age. Thus, the VIII group con- 
sists of six tests which three fourths of normal 8-year-old 
children can pass. The groups range in difficulty from 
what a 3-year-old can do through a 14-year-old level to 
" average adult " and " superior adult." Each test in each 
age group is credited with so many points in months. In 
applying this series, a child of eight who was so scored that 
his points added up to the equivalent of VIII, would be rated 

1 At present, 1917-1918, the medical profession seem anxious to substitute 
their work for the psychologists' rather than to cooperate. However, the 
medical schools offer no training that fits a doctor for expert work in mental 
diagnosis any more than a general college course fits a layman for the same 
work, or psychology training fits any one for doing the doctor's work. Feeble 
body functioning is for one expert, feeble mind functioning for the other. 



326 Psychology of Childhood 

" at age." His VIII (or mental age) being divided by his 
chronological age 8, gives the " intelligence quotient " — or 
I.Q., as it is commonly called — ■ of 100. A child of 8 so 
scored that his points added to VI is below age. He is of 
mental age 6 and his I.Q. (6 -5- 8) is 75. Children whose I.Q. 
ranges from 90 to no are considered normal; if the I.Q. 
ranges from 80 to 90 they are diagnosed as dull, if from 70 to 
80 they are border-line cases. The I.Q. of morons lies from 
50 to 70, of imbeciles from 20 or 25 to 50, of idiots below 20 
or 25. We may also speak of morons having a " mental age " 
of from 7 to 11 ; that is, they never test higher than XI and 
may test as low as VII. Imbeciles have a mental age of from 
3 to 7, and idiots below 3 years. 

Treatment. — ■ The treatment of subnormal children depends 

partly on whether they belong to any special type, partly on 

, the degree of amentia found or the lowness of the 

What can be _ __ % 1 . ... . . , 

donefor I.Q. Good hygienic conditions may check tenden- 
subnormai c [ es to di sease d ue to poor circulation and weak 

children? ,. . . , . 

digestion. Cretins, if taken very young, can be 
considerably improved by doses of extract of the thyroid gland 
systematically and permanently administered. A complica- 
tion of epilepsy or paralysis obviously indicates specific treat- 
ment. For some, tumors may be removed, or other surgical 
measures employed. Of these, a social safeguard rather than 
a personal remedy is that of asexualization. This is advisable 
from the eugenics point of view, since aments have less control 
of their instincts than normal people, are prolific, and are 
almost certain to produce offspring with their own deficiency. 1 
Considering aments especially, idiots require constant physi- 
cal care ; they are scarcely improvable in any way but may 
sometimes be trained to cleanly habits. Imbeciles can ac- 
quire habits of care of the body, and can learn to do simple 
industrial work under permanent, close supervision. Morons 
can benefit by manual training and by intellectual as well ; but 

1 In 1 9 14 twelve states had definite laws on this point. 



Exceptional Children 327 

we must remember that they can never be raised by training 
to the level of normal mentality which has been denied them 
by heredity. It is useless to try to teach them along with 
normal children ; the pace at which they learn, the methods 
necessary, and the selected subject matter advisable make it 
imperative that they should be separated from the regular 
school classes and taught by themselves. This last remark 
applies likewise to the border-line cases and to the backward 
and dull. It must be borne in mind, however, that the merely 
backward can be so helped by individual attention in special 
classes that they may be expected to return to the regular 
school grade and profit by the instruction there. The dull will 
never catch up to the brighter children, and whether taught 
in special or in regular classes may be expected to be per- 
manently " retarded " and to drop out of school at about the 
grade designed for the mental age of twelve. 

Retarded development, — From 30 to 35 per cent of school 
children are retarded one or more years, more boys than girls. 
The fact of being retarded, that is, being over age for the grade 
where found, might be due to extraneous causes such as foreign 
parentage, to having entered school late, to truancy, to much 
moving about from one school district to another, to periods 
of illness, or it might be due to real dullness. Opportunity to 
make up for lost time is what the temporarily retarded chiefly 
need, and this can best be gained by individual attention in 
extra, supervised study periods or in the small, special class. 
For the permanently retarded, those of I.Q. 70 to 90, a peda- 
gogical and psychological examination usually reveals special 
inaptitudes which will indicate methods of training. In 
general their small ability to think abstractly or to use creative 
imagination necessitates a somewhat different curriculum 
from that of the ordinary school, as well as a slower rate of 
progress. Omission of abstract arithmetic and grammar, 
emphasis on concrete facts, sense-training, and industrial work 
seem to be indicated. Wholesome amusements should be 



328 Psychology of Childhood 

provided as well as opportunity to learn a trade. Suggestion 
and imitation should be the chief methods employed, with 
simple, prompt rewards for efforts and for work carefully 
done. After leaving school such children need sympathetic 
social supervision. 

Supernormal mentality. Characteristics. — Turning now 
to exceptional children who diverge from the norm on the 
What are P^ us s ^ e ' we ^ n< ^ degrees of ability ranging from 
the char- the bright up to the genius. There are also special 
of mentally types, such as those with a gift along some one line, 
superior for instance mathematics, painting, mechanical 
c ' ren ingenuity, music, and the like, which may coexist 
with mediocrity, superiority or even inferiority in general 
intelligence. Of these special gifts musical ability shows at 
a very early age as a rule, often before six years old, and 
artistic ability in at least the first decade. General mental 
superiority may, or may not, show itself in children in con- 
nection with the usual subjects in the curriculum. Only 
about 4 per cent of children seem to be " advanced " in school ; 
that is, younger by two years than the normal age for the grade 
where found, though this may be in part due to our negligence 
in proper grading. Havelock Ellis has pointed out that 1 
the child destined to be eminent intellectually may show only 
average ability in school while he is simultaneously preoccu- 
pied with his own lines of thought ; or he may appear simply 
as an extraordinarily active child physically. 

Precocity, meaning rapid mental growth, does not, contrary 
to popular opinion, argue unstable mental health, nor 
physical delicacy, nor early degeneration. By itself, it is 
rather a sign of ultimate superior attainment. Of course, 
where a neuropathic taint is present there may come a break- 
down, accelerated by the pressure of longer hours of school 
work, and harder tasks, but the nervous instability is not a 
concomitant of mental superiority any more than it is of mental 
1 A Study of British Genius, p. 137. 



Exceptional Children 329 

inferiority ; it is a separate factor to which the credit should be 
given in explaining cases of degeneration. As a matter of 
record, children who are advanced in school work are more 
often than not taller and heavier than the average for their 
age, maintain their lead, finish the school course at an earlier 
age than usual, and are by no means found occupying low 
stations in life. We ought to be able to go on and say they 
are always found to achieve eminence in adult life ; however, 
statistics are lacking here. We can reverse the statement and 
state that eminent adults have usually been precocious as 
children. It is a matter of common observation that the 
superior children are generally bright, attractive, alert, " the 
kind one would like to adopt." 

Cause. — The cause of exceptional mental ability is, in 
ninety per cent of the cases, superior hereditary endowment. 1 
Environment may develop wisely what is there, or, TTr , 

. ,, i • • • • 1 Whatpro- 

more tragically, may work m conjunction with duces 
moral traits of laziness and the like so as to dis- meT } talsu - 
courage full development, but it cannot create what 
is not originally present. Some few advanced children may 
owe their position in school to environmental factors such as 
having begun school at an early age, having used spare time 
and vacations for tutoring so that added to intensive study 
they have had a continuous and rapid school progress. The 
advancement in these cases does not argue unusual intelli- 
gence, only unusual opportunity, and is not prophetic of ex- 
ceptional ability in adult life. It may be that the failure of 
such to attain eminence as adults has strengthened the falla- 
cious opinion spoken of above that " precocious " children are 
apt to turn out stupid afterwards. 

Diagnosis. — The discovery of gifted children is commonly 

left to chance. We are sadly in need of specially devised tests 

for special aptitudes which shall catch our talented children 

young enough to prevent their being hindered by training 

1 See Chapter I on this point. 



330 Psychology of Childhood 

suited to mediocrity given by teachers of only moderate in- 
sight. Also, we need to prevent them forming habits of 
idleness, slack effort, listless attention while per- 

Howcan . ' x 

superior- forming tasks too easy for them. As an example 
ity be f w h a t might be done, but is not done, it is in- 

diagnosed? ° . ' . ' , 

terestmg to note that Kerschensterner happened 
to give drawing tests to the school children of Munich, by 
which it was apparent that a certain few possessed unusual 
artistic ability. As a result of this finding, arrangements 
were made by which those children might receive special 
training in art from experts in the same line. But had it 
not been for Kerschensteiner and his research work, those 
special aptitudes would have gone unprovided for. Sim- 
ilarly for other gifts. Unless the parents are aware of them 
and are able to allow time for their development, it is 
likely that little opportunity will be afforded these excep- 
tional children to make the best use of their powers. Yet 
for their own sakes and for society's best good, we ought to 
have the means for discovering these special talents, and to 
apply such tests regularly, at least annually. 

So far as general superiority is concerned, the tests referred 
to above which can be given to whole classes may weed out 
the exceptionally intelligent should such not have manifested 
their ability by the ordinary school ratings. When such are 
found the test scales already described will give us the mental 
age, the coefficient of intellectual ability or the I.Q. Any I.Q. 
above no indicates superiority, above 140 the " near genius." 
About 1 per cent of children only will reach or exceed an I.Q. 
of 130, according to Terman. 1 It is highly advisable that 
children of high ability should be early discovered and given 
every opportunity possible for their best development. 

Treatment. — When it comes to the question of how to 
train exceptionally gifted children, we are yet very much in 
the dark, with only a few scientific experiments and a great 
1 The Measurement of Intelligence, p. 78. 



Exceptional Children 331 

deal of personal opinion as a guide. Stern has been particu- 
larly interested in the problem, and recommends no parading 

of prodigies, but rather scholarships for study in „„ , tJ 
. , 1 , , , ., , . n .f • What should 

special scnools tor children with gilts m some one be done for 

line. For the generally gifted he advocates a supernormal 
different organization of school grading. 1 It is 
evident that much further study, both qualitatively and 
quantitatively, is needed before we can be other than theoretic 
on the point. Probably a faster than normal pace of study 
is wise, with attention to intricate, abstract thinking, the 
stimulation of creative imagination, opportunities for exten- 
sive association-forming. Probably, too, such children should 
be under the guidance of exceptionally gifted instructors from 
an early age. Obviously, any special aptitude needs to be 
given full chance for development. It is a debated question 
whether the ordinary school work should be more intensive than 
usual, or more extensive, whether precocious children should be 
taught with others older than they are but of the same mental 
age, or segregated and given special attention. Other than in- 
tellectual superiority matters here. We do not want to inter- 
fere with normal social adjustment by separating gifted children 
from others, but it is not always well to mix immature near- 
geniuses with adolescent boys and girls of average ability. 

PROVISION FOR EXCEPTIONAL CHILDREN. — Many 
kinds of special schools and special classes exist for the benefit 
of exceptional children. Such include schools for whatprovi- 
the blind, the deaf, the crippled, the epileptic, the f™* s x *£ e 
nervous, mental defectives, truant schools, schools tionai chii- 
for incorrigibles, open-air schools for the tuber- dren? 
culous or anaemic, schools of music, art schools, technical 
schools, classes for backward and for gifted children. 2 Of 

1 Supernormal Children, J. Ed. Psych., 191 1. 

2 For comparative statistics with regard to these various types the student 
is referred to governmental reports, bulletins of the Bureau of Education, 
special reports of the institutions of the kind mentioned. 



332 Psychology of Childhood 

these, the first two types were among the earliest to be estab- 
lished, from the manifest need for special methods ; provision 
for open-air work and for supernormal children has been 
one of the latest developments. 

So far as amentia is concerned, institutions for the care of 
idiots were long ago provided, sometimes, however, in con- 
nection with insane asylums. Famous examples are the 
Salzburg school for cretins, the school at Bicetre, the Earls- 
wood asylum, the Massachusetts School for Idiots and Feeble- 
minded Youth. In many such, not only idiots but imbeciles, 
low- and middle-grade morons, and high-grade moral imbeciles 
are received. The presence of these has led to the inclusion 
of formal instruction in some school- subjects, by which, of 
course, mere idiots could not profit. The emphasis is gen- 
erally on training in industrial arts, agricultural work, speech 
training, with a minimum attention to the three R's, history, 
and geography. The majority of border-line, dull, mentally 
sluggish children are almost never sent to special institutions. 
Such are the charge of teachers in the ordinary school system, 
and merit special attention both for their own sakes and for 
the social good. Classes for such children have been formed 
in connection with the public schools since compulsory ele- 
mentary education laws have directed the attention of admin- 
istrators to the need for them. Beginning in 1867 in Ger- 
many, the decade from 1890 to 1900 saw many such classes 
and schools formed in France, England, and, more lately, in 
the United States. These classes receive, tentatively, re- 
tarded pupils from the large adjacent schools ; further testing 
and training may decide whether given individuals will re- 
turn to the ordinary school grades, or remain permanently 
in special classes. 

Supernormal children have received less careful attention. 
A very common custom, and perhaps the least sensible in a 
closely articulated graded system such as prevails in the 
United States, is to allow them to skip a grade. Besides this. 



Exceptional Children 333 

there are formed special classes in which a faster pace is pos- 
sible than in the ordinary schoolroom, so that three years' 
work may be completed in two, or even two in one. Various 
systems of flexible grading are still in the experimental stage. 
One, known as the Cambridge plan, groups all children into 
slow-moving, regular, fast moving. Each set goes over the 
same ground but at different speeds, so that the fast-moving 
group may complete in foar years what it takes the regular 
rate group six years to do. There is provision in this plan 
for transfer from one group to another at various points. The 
Chicago system is very similar ; but, providing as it does for 
a threefold grouping within each grade, it is applicable only 
to large schools. Plans of segregating the brighter pupils are 
also favored, chiefly for those who have reached a high sixth 
grade, when by doing departmental work in the next two 
years they are enabled to save the first of the four high 
school years. Sometimes this plan is begun lower than the 
sixth grade. 

The next five years or so should see a great development 
in the provision for supernormal children as we become more 
sure of the results of the experimental gradings now in use. 

Exercises 

1. Arrange, if possible, to visit a local institution for truants, 
or for incorrigibles, or for law-court cases, etc., and note the follow- 
ing points : 

(a) What sort of motivation is used for good conduct. 

(b) What type of discipline, government, organization exists. 

(c) Whether the pupils play normally. 

(d) What means are provided for normal social development, 
especially for the adolescents. 

(e) How the pupils compare with others physically. 
(/)• How they compare in school progress. 
Inquire about these facts : 

(a) What follow-up work is done when the pupils leave the 
institution. 



334 Psychology of Childhood 

(b) What the statistics show as to the percentage making 
good after they leave. 

2. What types of special schools exist in the town where you 
live? 

3. What does your State provide in the way of special institu- 
tions for exceptional children of any kind ? 

4. If convenient, observe the expert administration of a set of 
mental tests to a child of exceptional mentality. Compare the 
physical condition of such child with the normal. 

Questions for Discussion 

1. Recall the facts of chapters VII and XIV. Summarize what 
physical troubles are more prevalent before twelve years old, — 
in the teens. 

2. Recall the facts stated in chapters IX, XIII, and XV about 
adolescent day-dreaming; compare with what is said in this 
chapter. What conclusions do you draw ? 

3. Just what should you do if you suspect that a child in your 
care is exceptional ? Discuss this from as many points of view as 
possible. 

4. Recall recommendations from the study of eugenics which 
have a bearing on the topic of exceptional children. 

5. Should more time, energy, care, money be spent on children 
of subnormal, or of supernormal intelligence ? Why ? 

References for Reading 

Goddard, Feeble-mindedness, Its Causes and Consequences, chs. 1, 3, 4, 
9, 10. 

Pyle, The Examination of School Children. 
Tredgold, Mental Deficiency, chs. 3, 5, 7, 12, 21. 
Dolbear, Precocious Children, Ped. Sem., Vol. 19. 



CHAPTER XVII 

METHODS USED IN CHILD PSYCHOLOGY 

CONTENT DERIVED FROM OTHER KINDS OF PSY- 
CHOLOGY. — -Since Child Study is but one branch of psy- 
chology we should expect to find in it elements, 
both of facts and methods, which are common to the^ontri- 
the other branches of the science ; and so we do. butions of 

So far as content goes, we get from general psy- %anches of 
chology our points of departure in investigations psychology 
as to the differences between adults and children, %li^f y p / y ' 
our phraseology and classifications in describing 
the kinds and amounts of differences found. From social 
psychology we get facts about man's development among his 
fellows and his reactions to them that help us understand 
much of the instinctive behavior of children. From animal 
psychology we get knowledge about reactions in mammals 
and primates that helps us realize truths not only about in- 
stincts but also about the learning processes of children. From 
abnormal and pathological psychology we get, in addition, in- 
formation which assists in the diagnosis of backward and 
feeble-minded children, which indicates the line of treatment 
for the mentally deranged adolescent or those in any way 
atypical, and which helps establish norms for the ordinary 
child at different stages. The allied sciences of anthropology, 
sociology, and physiology also add to our knowledge of the 
development and growth of children socially, industrially, 
spiritually and physically, giving a key, through the study of 
heredity, to much of the general behavior and special apti- 
tudes or deficiencies in any given child. Child study in its 

335 



336 Psychology of Childhood 

turn makes its special contribution to educational psychology : 
since to direct the kind of changes desired in educating chil- 
dren, or the rate and method of making such changes, it is 
necessary to understand the nature of the beings in whom we 
endeavor to bring about these changes. 

METHODS COMMON TO OTHER KINDS OF PSY- 
CHOLOGY. Introspection. — So far as methods are con- 
isintro- cerned, since ^introspection is the final court of ap- 
spectiona p ea j f or man y truths about mental states, it is but 

method used x , . . . 

in child natural to look for it m some form as a method of 
psychology? child s t u dy. Quite obviously this is an imprac- 
ticable method to use directly with very young children ; in- 
deed, even at ten years old it is difficult to make many under- 
stand and describe what is wanted. As a derived method, we 
find adults recounting childhood experiences in so graphic a 
manner that the readers may feel instantly the ring of truth 
in the interpretation, or detect the exaggerated strain for 
effect, or revolt at the namby-pamby didactic incorporated. 
But however interesting and true to life these reminiscent 
accounts seem there is the undeniable inaccuracy of memory 
both in the making of statements and in the joyful acceptance 
of them. We know how testimony is increasingly falsified 
by factors such as lapse of time, the presence of a desired 
coloring of events, the mere repetition of a narrative ; and the 
subjective feel of the early life of even expert writers must 
likewise be distorted by these same facts. Nevertheless, 
some authors who combine sympathetic observation with 
vivid memories of events and emotions may produce tales 
which have great value in opening the eyes and understanding 
of many adults who are puzzled by children's conduct and who 
have largely forgotten " how things feel when you are small." 
Such books as " Emmy Lou," " Anne of Green Gables," '' Paul 
and Fiametta," "The Treasure-Seekers," ''Little Citizens," 
" Penrod," "The Madness of Philip," " Phcebe and Ernest,'' 
"The Golden Age," "Understood Betsy," not to mention 



Methods used in Child Psychology 337 

hosts of others, may awaken not only a responsive thrill, but 
a more tender appreciation of the inner working of the child 
mind. They will always have their place in the reference 
library recommended for parents and others interested in 
the study of children. 

Reminiscence. — Besides this literary form we have definite 
autobiographies such as those of Goethe, De Quincey, Tolstoi, 
George Sand, Marie Bashkirtseff, John Stuart Mill, Mary 
An tin, and many others. Here again, both the accuracy of 
the facts and the validity of the interpretation are open 
to the same criticisms as are expressed above. More- 
over, we feel that people as exceptional in adult life as 
these may well have been exceptional as children, and there- 
fore representative of only certain types of childhood. We 
need further introspective reports from still other nationali- 
ties — studies that could be more of a guide to missionaries 
and teachers in foreign countries, reconstructionists after 
the war, social workers among the foreign population of our 
cosmopolitan cities. Boys such as Tom Sawyer, David Cop- 
perfield (Charles Dickens largely), and Rabindranath Tagore 
seem very far apart by nature as well as by nurture. 

Questionnaire. — Another form of the introspective method 
is sometimes seen when the questionnaire method is employed. 
As late adolescents are frequently used as subjects, there is 
a certain amount of retrospection as well as introspection. 
These young people, untrained as they are in the method 
necessary, are more prone to errors in accuracy than are 
thoughtful, observant adults, and are specially likely to be 
misled when reporting on whole sets of experiences in rather 
general terms. As Thorndike 1 points out, the questionnaire 
is usually sent to special groups, in normal schools, for instance, 
which are conveniently handy but do not represent the gen- 
eral population by any means. Moreover from this selected 
group, only those interested and therefore probably biased, 
1 Thorndike, The Original Nature of Man, pp. 29-37. 
z 



338 Psychology of Childhood 

may reply unless there is compulsion in the matter, when the 
very reluctance for the task may bring about a casual, care- 
less, even mischievous response that still further reduces the 
reliability of the answers. The questions may be so phrased 
as to be a strong suggestive force. Further, of the few who 
do answer, scarcely any answer all, and many misunderstand 
some of the questions. To offset these disadvantages investi- 
gators have usually had recourse to the supposed safety of 
numbers; but, again Thorndike suggests, there is a fallacy 
in concluding that ignorance, even if multiplied, is anything 
more than just ignorance. Moreover, the investigator, in 
the absence of any means of verification, is left to his probable 
misinterpretation of the replies ; and, unless specifically 
trained as a statistician, may mislead the reader by his pub- 
lished averages, graphs, and other generalizations. 

In spite of the enumerated disadvantages of the question- 
naire method it is frequently used both for introspective work, 
as here indicated, and for simpler replies of fact from all sorts 
of people. Examples of this method of studying children are 
to be found in great plenty in the earlier numbers of the Peda- 
gogical Seminary, and include such topics as the collecting 
instinct, adolescent ambitions, gangs, conversion experiences, 
doll-play, motor ability, ownership, the teacher's influence, 
interests in reading, exceptional children, imagination, moral 
influences, ideals etc., etc. It is perhaps the method that first 
occurs to persons who are in quest of information ; for it seems 
so simple to interrogate people directly, so praiseworthy to 
ask large numbers of them, so valuable to employ printed 
forms. Its function, if carefully used so as to rniiumize the 
causes of error as stated above, is to give us a rough trip over 
the ground, so to speak, with impressionistic reports by the 
guide, which may suggest the aims and methods of the later, 
more careful, measured survey. 

Observation. Free activity or directed response. — Besides 
introspection as a rather doubtful method of child study we 



Methods used in Child Psychology 339 

have, of course, observation carried on in various ways. There 
is first of all the unostentatious observation of one child or 
many during free activities. Thus we may " take Whafother 
X under observation " for a few weeks or months methods are 
for purposes of diagnosis of moral tendencies or uttne 
nervous condition. We set the child no definite task, hold 
no prearranged conversation, but watch and record all that 
seems pertinent to our purpose. Similarly we may observe 
children of a given age or neighborhood at play, or watch their 
behavior in a public library, at the circus, when in certain 
new situations. Data secured by such means will be definite 
enough for statistical treatment if the purpose of the observa- 
tion has been clearly formulated and analyzed. A study of 
this type is Sisson's account of the playground activities of 
29 kindergarten children. 1 Another is Hall's " Story of a Sand- 
pile." 2 In contrast to this we have a form of observation which 
seeks for some definite expression from the child or group, it 
may be in the form of a drawing, or a composition, or simple 
answers to questions. Of this type is Hall's 3 work to deter- 
mine the contents of children's minds when they enter school, 
Binet's 4 work with his young daughters to determine the 
mental type of each, Stern's work 5 with the report test, and 
so on. 

Extensive or intensive. — Observation may also be classified 
as intensive or extensive. The first concentrates on one child 
for a considerable period of time either to get an idea of the 
general development of the period, as Preyer's, 6 Darwin's, 7 
Shinn's 8 studies of infants, or to get data on one specific 
topic, such as Whipple's 9 study of the vocabulary of a three- 

1 Barnes, Studies in Education. 

2 See Aspects of Child Life and Education. 3 Hid. 
4 L'Observateur et Pimaginatif. A. P., 1900, Vol. 9. 

6 Stern, Zur Psych, d. Aussage. 

6 Preyer, The Infant Mind. 

7 Darwin, The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals. 

8 Shinn, The Biography of a Baby. 9 Ped. Sem., Vol. 16. 



340 Psychology of Childhood 

year-old. In contrast to this we have extensive observation 
of large masses of children in which we get numbers of facts 
about physical standards such as lung capacity, percentage 
suffering from bad teeth or impaired vision. Or it may be 
about mental abilities, such as the possible correlations of 
ability in languages and mathematics, or the percentage 
of promotions. Simple examinations and measurement of con- 
ditions found, the use of school grades and census reports 
— such are the data used here rather than any direct test. 

Experiment. Qualitative or quantitative. — An increasingly 
frequent form of observation is the definite experiment, where 
What forms conditions are controlled in advance, special tests 
may experi- devised, themselves tested and refined and used 
men s a e. pgj-j^pg {- establish norms, or to diagnose a special 
case, or to measure results of teaching. These may be mainly 
qualitative, as in Binet's l work on the description test, where 
with simple directions, children's compositions about an 
object placed before them are examined, compared, graded 
and classified according to the type of person revealed. Often 
we have a mixture of qualitative and quantitative results as 
in a test for memory of ideas. Sometimes it is mainly quan- 
titative as in a memory span test. The observation may, 
further, be directed to the measurement directly, such as 
getting a work curve for some muscular act, or in testing 
rapidity of adding, range of attention, transfer of training. 
Again, the tests may be used as an indirect measure of some 
totally different factor such as the influence of temperature, 
ventilation, or the weather on performance, or to determine 
the fraternal resemblance of twins. Rightly to administer 
such tests and to treat the data so secured requires special 
training. The ordinary teacher may be asked to assist, per- 
haps, in some simple procedure, or to cooperate when some 
widespread Work Commission is at work in many places 
simultaneously ; but she should not attempt independent re- 
1 Binot, Psychologic individuelle. A. P., Vol. 3. 



Methods used in Child Psychology 341 

search in this line without being well versed and drilled in 
the necessary technique of test-giving. As Myers l says : " I 
want to protest as strongly as I can against the notion that 
any useful purpose can be served, so far as psychology is con- 
cerned, by collecting masses of psychological data with the 
help of an army of untrained observers. . . . Nothing . . . can 
be more dangerous or false than this idea that the untrust- 
worthiness of crude methods diminishes as the number of 
observers increases." 

And again Rusk : 2 " Doubtless teachers will have but few 
opportunities of accomplishing original research work in Ex- 
perimental Education. This requires a training which cannot 
form part of the ordinary professional course, and the time 
demanded by research work can hardly be given by one en- 
gaged in the routine duties of a teacher." 

Tests and scales. Purpose of scales. — Two special forms 
of tests are at present interesting to those who deal with chil- 
dren. One is the recent development of various with what 
scales by which to measure ability and progress. scale f 

mi 1 i mi m- 1 i 1 should a 

The up-to-date teacher will utilize such standard- teacher be 
ized procedures as the Courtis Tests, the Stone f amiliar? 
Tests, and the Woody Tests for measuring their class achieve- 
ments in arithmetic, the Handwriting Scale devised by Thorn- 
dike, the Ayres Spelling Scale, the Hillegas Composition Scale, 
the Harvard-Newton Scale, the Kansas Silent Reading Test, 
Thorndike's reading, vocabulary, and drawing scales, the 
Trabue Language Scale, and others that are being arranged. 3 
By the application of tests such as these we can discover 

1 C. S. Myers, The Pitfalls of Mental Tests. 

2 Rusk, Introduction to Experimental Education. 

3 Courtis Tests, Series B. Courtis, Detroit, Mich. 

Ayres Spelling Scale. Russell Sage Foundation Publications, New York. 

Kansas Silent Reading Test. State Normal School, Emporia, Kansas. 

Harvard-Newton Scale for the Measurement of English Composition. 
Harvard Univ. Press. 

Arithmetic Scales. Clifford Woody. This and the rest published by 
Teachers College, Columbia University, New York City. 



342 Psychology of Childhood 

the kind and amount of improvement brought about in a 
group after a given period of teaching, and thus be in a posi- 
tion to judge whether or not our methods of instruction need 
overhauling. We can also rate children by a fixed standard 
rather than by one peculiar to the teacher, the school, the 
neighborhood or the part of the country. Comparisons of 
racial differences will be more objective along these lines, also. 
The scales are in such form that any teacher can speedily get 
the knowledge of how to employ them. 

The other well-known tests are the Binet-Simon l mental 
age tests, the less familiar Yerkes 2 point-scale, and the 
Pintner and Paterson 3 tests. 

Training in administering tests. — Only those persons who 

have been trained to administer these should undertake to 

„ , . , test children for any ulterior purpose. Of late, a 

Who should t • , i 11 i 

administer number of enthusiasts have been at large m the 
the mental country " doing Binets." If this were for their 
own experience that might not be so bad ; but 
since physicians, immigration authorities, judges, and others 
have occasion to utilize the results of this form of work and 
on the basis of the diagnosis render decisions that may affect 
the whole future of the individual tested, it presents a grave 
social danger. It is sheer charlatanism for a college or normal 
school graduate who has read a book on the tests and seen a 
subject tested, to set up as an expert in this line. No one 
would dream of sending children to a quack dentist whose 

Standardized Reasoning Tests in Arithmetic and How to Utilize Them. 
Cliff W. Stone. 

Drawing Scale for Grades 5 to 8. E. L. Thorndike. 

Nassau County Supplement to the Hillegas Scale. M. R. Trabue. 

Handwriting Scale from Grades 5 to 8. E. L. Thorndike. 

Language Scales. M. R. Trabue. 8 scales. 

Improved Scale for Measuring the Understanding of Sentences: Scale 
Alpha 2, parts 1 and 2. E. L. Thorndike. 

Improved Scales for Word Knowledge or Visual Vocabulary. E. L. Thorn- 
dike Scale A2 and Scale B. 

1 Stanford Revision of the Binet-Simon Intelligence Scale. Terman. 

2 A Point Scale for Measuring Mental Ability. Yerkes, Bridges, and Hardwick. 

3 A Scale of Performance Tests. Pintner and Paterson. 



Methods used in Child Psychology 343 

sole training had consisted of reading a little about dentistry 
and in watching a few processes of the profession ; why then 
should children be sent to a quack psychologist whose prep- 
aration is equally scanty ? Again, just as in other professions, 
say medicine, a person is expected to take first a general 
course, two years of college work at least, then to train for 
professional work, lastly to specialize in some particular 
branch of that, say throat and ear work ; so one who aspires 
to be a clinical psychologist should take first a general higher 
education, then a thorough course in the general field of psy- 
chology, descriptive, pathological, experimental, educational ; 
and only then specialize as a worker in the clinic. Even so, 
such an expert needs to work in close touch with a psychiatrist, 
since the level of mental ability is not an efficient index to 
many forms of mental trouble. Similarly, to use the elaborate 
statistical method which is necessary to deal adequately with 
the facts collected in experimental pedagogy means not only 
the devotion of more time to it than the teacher engaged in 
routine duties can afford, but also a very thorough, intensive 
preparation. 

Such are the methods of child psychology, which serve its 
purpose of amassing information about children's natures as 
distinct from adults'. Its scope may be widened to include 
studies of child life on the physical side in connection with 
eugenics, infant mortality, tuberculosis, and the like ; on the 
social side in connection with housing conditions, delinquency, 
dependency, child labor. Its main contribution is to the ap- 
plied psychology of child- training and methods of instruction ; 
in short, to the science and art of education. 

Exercises 

1. Extend the list of works of fiction given in the early part of 
this chapter. Add author and publisher. 

2. Look back over the exercises suggested in this book. Under 
which type of child study would fall the various things you have 
been asked to do ? 



344 



Psychology of Childhood 



3. Go through the footnote references in this book to different 
studies made of childhood. Classify them as above. 

4. Go through the list of authors given below. Check off those 
you know. Add titles of papers or books they have written that 
have to do with child psychology. 

5. Verify your additions. Look up from any good catalogue 
facts about those you didn't know. Extend the list of titles for 
the starred names. Add publisher (and price if possible). 

6. If within reach of a large library, look up a dozen of the books 
you did not know ; add descriptive remarks. 

7. (a) Select from your total, completed list, eight volumes you 
would recommend some one with limited means to get as a general 
child-study library. 

(b) Select a library for a missionary going to India. 

(c) Select the best four to give a young father. 

(d) Select thirty for the library of a women's college. 



Addams 




W. S. Hall 


Rowe 


Adler 




Eliz. Harrison 


Rusk 


Appleton 




Hogan 


Shinn 


*Ayres 




Holt 


Slattery 


*Barnes 




G. E. Johnson 


Slaughter 


Binet 




Irving King 


Starbuck 


Chamberlain 




*Kirkpatrick 


Sully 


Chenery 




Lancaster 


Swift 


Coe 




Lee 


Tanner 


Dawson 




Lukens 


Taylor 


Dewey 




*McKeever 


Terman 


D. Canfield Fisher 


Mangold 


*Thorndike 


*Forbush 




Moll 


Travis 


W. T. Foster 




Mumford 


Tyler 


Gesell 




Norsworthy 


Whipple 


Goddard 




*0'Shea 


Winch 


Gruenberg 




Oppenheim 


Wood Allen 


Gulick 




Preyer 


Woods Hutchinson 


*G. Stanley Hall 


Pyle 




8. List the 


agencies in your town that have to do with child 


welfare. What 


others do you know of? 




9. Send to 


The 


Children's Bureau, Washington, D. C, for 


its catalogue of 


publications. 





Methods used in Child Psychology 345 

10. What periodicals act as organs for child study or child wel- 
fare institutions? (Consult librarian for a full list. Check off 
those you know.) 

11. In what way could the following help you in fostering public 
interest in child life? 

The Russell Sage Foundation, New York City. 

The National Child Labor Committee, New York City. 

The Eugenics Record Office, Cold Spring Harbor, L. I., 
N. Y. 

The National Child Welfare Exhibit Association, New York 
City. 

Better Babies Bureau, % Woman's Home Companion, New 
York City. 

Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (local). 

Write to any of the first four for leaflets, information, or advice. 

Questions for Discussion 

1. Compare and criticize the lists compiled in exercise 7. 

2. How does the work of the agencies listed in exercise 8 cor- 
relate ? Overlap ? 

3. What city institutions should be correlated with a Child 
Welfare League ? 

4. Besides the teacher and the judge, for whom else would 
you recommend child study? 

5. Where besides school and home is a good place to study 
children ? 

6. What would be the difference in aim and methods between 
a mothers' club and a parent-teacher association? 

7. What sort of work can a parent-teacher association under- 
take? 

8. In what form of child study would parents most likely be 
interested ? Why ? 

9. How can the faults of the questionnaire method be to some 
extent avoided. 

10. Describe the attitude desirable in a person who undertakes 
to observe children. 

1 1 . What sort of work has The Children's Bureau at Washington 
undertaken in the last five years? 



346 Psychology of Childhood 

References for Reading 

Rusk, Introduction to Experimental Education, ch. i. 
Mangold, Child Problems, ch. i. 
McKeever, Outlines of Child Study, Part i. 
Claparede, Experimental Pedagogy, chs. 2, 3. 
Partridge, Outlines of Individual Study. 
Forbush, Guidebook to Childhood, pp. 1-6, 503-525. 

(The following section is intended for those who wish either 
a better understanding of such statistical terms as they may 
commonly meet in any journal of child study to-day, or a 
tentative acquaintance with the simpler usages. For an ade- 
quate study of measurements the student is referred to a full 
textbook on the subject. Chapter 3 of Whipple's " Manual 
of Mental and Physical Tests " gives a fuller explanation of 
many measures than is attempted here.) 

STATISTICAL METHODS. — In considering groups of 
children relative to some standard, or a series of similar meas- 
ures on the same child, at least the following points 

What 1 j 

statistical are to be noted : 

facts about a 1. the number of cases. 

group of 

measures 2. the range of the measures. 

should one ^ t ne meaning of the unit of measurement. 

4. some central tendency around which the 
measures are clustered. 

5. some convenient index of the deviation of the measures 
from the central tendency. 

6. some comparison of the whole set of measures with other 
sets of the same kind of measures on another group of people. 

7. a measure of likeness, of resemblance of different measures 
made on the same people. 

These will be discussed in the order given. 

1. Noting the number. — First. It makes a great difference 
in crediting statements about a proficiency whether they are 
based on a study of fourteen cases, forty, or four hundred. 



Methods used in Child Psychology 347 

Similarly in computing the scores of arithmetic papers we 
should want to know whether we had thirty or three hundred 
to deal with ; or in testing a child whether he repeats six words 
or sixty. The n is therefore the first measure to be stated. 

2. Noting the range. — Second. The range of abilities 
measured is important. In a class of children adding exam- 
ples in a limited time some may finish only three examples, 
others do as many as twenty. In another group there may be 
a narrower range, of from five to seventeen examples finished. 
The range of age in a given grade may be from nine to fourteen 
years old, or from nine and a half to twelve and a half. Either 
way, it will make a difference in the practical handling of a 
group if the range is large or small. Then again the range of a 
child's grades in one subject may be from 40 per cent to 90 
per cent, in another subject from 80 per cent to 95 per cent. 
In every set of measures, then, we should know the range over 
which they are distributed. 

When dealing with all sorts of scores, having counted the 
n and observed the range, the first thing to do is to rearrange 
the scores in a serial order. For example, after Whatisa 
giving a test to a high school class in algebra let us quick way to 
say, the roll book would show the scores entered tabulaie? 
opposite the names. As these are in alphabetical order the 
scores come quite haphazard, something like the following, 
let us suppose : 80, 75, 70, 60, 75, 85, 70, 65, 80, 70, 60, 75, 65, 
85, 65, 70, 55, 70, 75, 50, 80, 75, 70, 80, 70, 65, 75, 70, 90, 70, 
85> 75, 65. Counting these, we see that n is 33, and the range 
from 90, the highest, to 50, the lowest score, running by steps 
of five. The next thing is to arrange these. The most con- 
venient way to do this is to space the range of scores along a 
horizontal line in serial order beginning with the lowest ; then 
place a check mark above each as it occurs in reading off the 
list above from the separate, dislocated records. By using 
quadrille ruled paper these check marks can easily be kept 
aligned. In this case we get from the record : 



348 Psychology of Childhood 









* 










* 










* 


* 


ion 


i. 




* 


* 






* 


* 


* 






* 


* 


* * 






* 


* 


* * * 






* * 


* 


* * * 




* 


* * * 


* 


* * * * 




5o 


55 60 6 


5 7o 75 80 85 90 








or 








50 


1 


case 






55 


1 


case 






60 


2 


cases 






65 


5 


cases 






70 


9 


cases 






75 


7 


cases 






80 


4 


cases 






85 


3 


cases 






90 


1 


case 



This method has the advantage of being very rapid. By using 
a heavy check mark for every fifth in a vertical line, or by 
barring five together, it is easy to the eye to count up the num- 
ber of cases at each score and so give the data for the table of 
distributions given. By drawing a heavy line round the ir- 
regularities one has a picture of the distribution curve, and 
the complete graph of the distribution. By starting the table 
with the lowest score, we now have the low end of the dis- 
tribution curve to the left, as is customary. 

Exercises 

Find the n and the range, and tabulate as shown, drawing the 
graph. Use square-ruled graph paper. 

1. These are scores used instead of percentage ratings: A 



Methods used in Child Psychology . 349 

means excellent and F failure. CCBDCBBCBDDCE 
DFCEDACADCCB. 

2. These are the ages of children in a fourth grade. 9, 8, 10, 
9, 11, 9, 11, 9, 9, 10, 9, 10, 9, 7, 11, 9, 10, 9, 10, 9, 9, 
8, 9, 10, 8, 9, 11, 10, 11, 10, 9, 10, 9, 11, 8, 10, 11. 

3. These are scores of amount done in an addition test. 

17 20 23 20 23 17 20 29 23 17 32 23 26 

23 26 5 23 14 29 23 17 20 11 14 20 23 

14 17 20 17 20 11 26 8 23 20 23 11 17 

20 23 17 11 26 20 20 23 32 23 26 29 26 

26 20 23 29 23 32 26 29 17 35 20 . 26 23 

3. Meaning of units used. — Third : as to the meaning of 
the scores. In the first illustration just what does a score of 
80 represent ? Primarily an artificial value attached by one 
teacher to a piece of work. Another teacher with another 
range in mind might rate it 65. In any case it probably does 
not mean that it is equidistant from 60 and 100, nor twice 
as good as a score of 40 would be, nor the exact equivalent of 
a B— in another system of scoring. These are subjective 
units, arbitrary values, measured down from a standard of 
perfection rather than up from a definite zero point. Much of 
the present work in mental measurements involves devising 
scales as objective as possible, and determining the values of 
the units employed. 

Still another question arises, affecting not only the inter- 
pretation of a scale but certain calculations within it. 80 
means at least 80 but not as high as 85, since the step in this 
illustration is five ; we should think of the ability it measures 
not as discrete but as continuous from 80 to 84.9, in fact. But 
in exercise 2, age 10 may mean either all children who have 
passed the 10th birthday, or all children whose 10th birthday 
is the nearest. (As a matter of pride, parents whose child is 
almost 10 will prefer to record him as 10 rather than 9.) The 
score then may mean from 10 to 11, or from 9^ to io|- ; which- 
ever it does mean should be clearly stated to any one using the 
table. 



35° 



Psychology of Childhood 



4. Central tendency. — Fourth. On examining any nor- 
mal grouping of scores in either the table or the graph, it will 
be seen that they cluster about a central point and are less 
and less frequent towards the extremes of the range. 

The mode. — One measure of the central tendency little 
known but quite frequently intended is the mode. This means, 
What is the as its name implies, the fashionable, modish score, 
mode ? t j iat w hich most people get, which occurs most fre- 

quently. A mere glance at a table shows the greatest fre- 
quency in the column of frequencies, and the score opposite 
this is the modal score. Thus in Illustration 1, the highest 
frequency is 9, and the score gained by them is 70 ; the mode 
therefore is 70, since more pupils get that score than any other. 
In exercise 15 below the modal score is 5. In the graph, since 
the most elevated point represents the greatest number of 
cases, the score marked in the base line directly below this point 
is the modal score. 

Exercises 

4. Name the mode in exercises 1,2, and 3 above. 

5. Name the mode in the following table (taken from Thorn- 
dike, " Mental and Social Measurements," p. 36). Draw the graph. 



Hourly Earnings 
in Cents 


Frequency 


Hourly Earnings 
in Cents 


Frequency 


23 
24 

25 
26 


3 

7 

20 

28 


27 
28 
29 


22 

7 

1 



The median. — Another central tendency that should be 
better known and more widely used is the median. As its 
name suggests, it is in the exact middle of the dis- what is the 
tribution, the point above and below which lie an median? 



Methods used in Child Psychology 



35 1 



equal number of cases. The median score is obtained by 
counting in from either end of the tabulated measures till 
the middle case is reached ; the score which that middle case 

gets is the median score. The formula is . Thus, if we 

2 

have 17 children tested in anything, after having arranged 
the recorded abilities in serial order, we count in till the 9th 
child is reached ; the rating given him is the median score for 
the group of 17. In exercise 1 above there are 25 cases 
Counting in till the 13th case is reached, we see his score is C ; 
therefore the median score is C. If we have an even number 
of cases, we have, not a median score but a median point 
halfway between the scores of the two middle cases. Thus 
in exercise 15 below, with 56 cases, the median point is be- 
tween the scores gained by the 28th and 29th individuals 

= 28-| ). Counting in from either end, since both the 



C4^-»> 



28th and 29th persons get a score of 5, the median is 5, with- 
out need of further refinement. 



Exercises 

Find the median in the two examples below. 

6. 7. Taken from Goddard 



Grade 


Freq. 


F 


I 


D 


O 


D + 


4 


C 


10 


c+ 


13 


B 


9 


B + 


5 


A 


3 



Mental Age 


Freq. 


6 


I 


7 


3 


8 


12 


9 


58 


10 


124 


11 


5o 


12 


42 


13 


30 


14 


6 



352 Psychology of Childhood 

8. Find the median in example 5. 

inteepolated median. — When we are dealing with scales 
in which the steps are big, such as in Illustration 1 where the 
step is five, or ex. 3 where the step is three, we should take 
into consideration just what the score means and interpolate 
accordingly. Thus 60 stands for a rough measure only, prob- 
ably the lower limit of a range from 60 to 64.99, as noted before. 
We may suppose the abilities thus roughly measured really 
distributed evenly along the range, and in calculating a median, 
take this interpretation into account. Of the 33 cases in Il- 
lustration 1 the rating of the 17th person will be the median 
score. Counting in from the low end of the distribution we 
find he is the 8th person of the group of nine who are scored 
70. Since 70 means from 70 to 74.9 and he is the highest but 
one in the group of nine, his score is obviously nearer 75 than 
70. It will be 70 plus eight ninths of the step. Eight ninths 
of 5 added to 70 = 74.4, the median score. In example 3 above 
there are 65 cases. The median score will be that obtained 
by the 33d person. Counting in from the low-score end, the 
23d case is the 2d in the group of sixteen who are scored 
23, obviously near the lower limit of a step of three. Two 
sixteenths of the step must be added to 23 to give us the median ; 
then, 23 + 1% of 3 = 23.37, or more convenient y, 23.4. If 
the original measures have been only roughly scored, it is not 
wise to refine the median too far. In case the actual measures 
can be obtained it is advisable to get the real, rather than an 
interpolated, median. Thus, in ex. 2 above, if the children 
themselves were available, rather than calculating the median, 
(the 19th case) as the 14th out of the fifteen aged 9 and 
calling it 9 + ff of 12 months, we should range those fifteen 
children in order of age and ask the oldest but one exactly how 
old he was, to a week, which would give us the median age for 
the group. 



Methods used in Child Psychology 



353 



Exercises 
Find the median in the following tables : 



Weight in lbs. 


Freq. 


80 to 89 


I 


90 to 99 


6 


100 to 109 


n 


no to 119 


16 


120 to 129 


4 


120 to 139 


1 



Score 


No. of Children 


— IO 


3 


- 5 


5 


O 


8 


5 


10 


10 


33 


15 


36 


20 


29 


25 


16 


3° 


11 


35 


4 


40 


3 



n. In example 7 interpolate the median, using 52 weeks as the 
range scored as a year. 

The average. — ■ The central tendency most commonly 
spoken of is the average. Unfortunately it is frequently mis- 
interpreted, as in supposing that the " average per- what is the 
formance " is what the majority do, or is a typical averaae? 
performance, or the one most frequently observed, or in itself 
a high standard. It is not any of these things, but is simply 
the arithmetic mean of all the cases observed, and is obtained 
by adding all the scores recorded and dividing by the number 
of cases. Thus in Illustration 1, we multiply 

50 by 1 
55 by 1 
60 by 2 
65 by 5 



354 Psychology of Childhood 

and so on — add the products and divide by n which is 33. 
The average score is 71.8. Verify this. 

Exercises 

12. Find the average age in example 2 above, considering 8 to 
mean from 8 to 9. Give the result to the nearest half year. If 
the score meant from 7^ to 8£, what difference would that make ? 

13. Find the average for example 3 above. 

14. Is the average higher or lower than the mode, in each case? 

15. Find the average of this table of scores, carrying to one 
decimal place only. Draw the graph. 



cos 


E Frequency 


I 


occurs 


2 


times 


2 


occurs 


5 


times 


3 


occurs 


9 


times 


4 


occurs 


10 


times 


5 


occurs 


13 


times 


6 


occurs 


8 


times 


7 


occurs 


6 


times 


8 


occurs 


2 


times 


9 


occurs 


1 


time 



16. Find the mode and the average in example 7. 

17. Which is found most quickly, mode, median, or average? 

18. Which of the three involves most arithmetical work? 

Comparison of three kinds of central tendency. — Comparing 
median, mode, and average, we see that the advantages of the 
average are its familiarity as a term and the degree of refine- 
ment to which it may be carried. Its disadvantages are : (1) 
that it sometimes expresses something that never exists as an 
actual measure, (2) that it is too readily influenced by ex- 
tremes, and (3) that it takes rather long to calculate. Thus, 
(1) an average attendance of pupils for a week might work 
out at twenty-eight and three fifths, a somewhat startling 
suggestion, though of course the fraction is usually disregarded. 



Methods used in Child Psychology 355 

Again, (2) an average cash donation might be seven and a 
quarter cents ; but if a plutocrat appears with a single con- 
tribution of five dollars the average will be very decidedly 
affected. The mode would never be expressed in an impos- 
sible score, and the median is not greatly disturbed by an ex- 
ceptional extreme. The advantages of the mode are its in- 
formation of what really is the usual score, and the great ease 
with which it can be found by a mere hasty inspection of table 
or graph. Its disadvantage is that it is rather a coarse measure 
and therefore awkward to handle in later calculations. In exam- 
ple 10 above, for instance, it might best be called the distance 
from 10 to 25 rather than 15. The advantages of the median, 
as already indicated, are that it is more rapidly found than the 
average, is a finer measure than the mode and as fine as the 
average, is a stable measure, a term easy to understand and 
less likely to be misinterpreted than the term average. A 
little practice in finding the median soon removes the dis- 
advantage of less familiarity with its use. 

5. Deviations from the central tendency. — Fifth. Just as 
it is important to know the range of scores, so also it is impor- 
tant to have some measure of the deviations of the „ 

How are 

scores from any chosen expression of the central deviations 
tendency. To know merely the mode gives us no easily JO 

.1 c 1 . -i •!• r 1 1 -n measured? 

idea of the variability of the scores, and, especially 
in comparing two groups, it is important to get an expression 
of the spread of the distribution curve beyond what the range 
tells us. If there is no fixed zero point but simply a grading 
in both directions from some unknown x taken as an arbitrary 
standard, this measure clearly tells us more than the range 
does. In comparing two groups with identical modes we 
have no way of telling how far the groups are similar unless 
we know something of the variations from the mode. Of the 
two tables of measures, one for class A, one for class B, though 
the mode is identical, the variability and the range are evidently 
quite different. 



356 



Psychology of Childhood 



Average deviation. — A 
measure of variability 
What is the frequently used 
AD? is the average 
deviation (A. D.) some- 
times called the mean 
variation (M. V.)- This 
is the average of the de- 
viations of all the scores 
from the chosen central 
tendency. In the case 
of class A above, since 10 is the modal score, we note that 
there are 13 cases on one side of the mode and 16 on the other 
deviating from it by one step of the scale. There are 5 cases 
on the low side, and 9 on the high side deviating by two steps, 
and 2 cases deviating by three steps. Multiplying then, — 

Deviations of o step occur 
Deviations of 1 step occur (13 + 16) 
Deviations of 2 step occur (5 + 9) 
Deviations of 3 step occur 



Score Cl. A 




O..B. 


Illustration 2. 6 




— 1 


7 




1 — 


8 


r 5 


—4 


9 


13-1 




ii-j 


10 


20 




14 


11 


16J 




1 2-1 


12 


*~9 


—8 


13 


2 


4— 


14 




— 2 


15 






1 



10 times = o 

29 times = 29 

14 times = 28 

2 times = 6 

63" 



This divided by the n, which is 65, gives us .97 of a step 
as the average deviation in either direction. A. D. = =±= .97. 
In the case of B the calculation is : 

D of o step 14 times = o 

D of 1 step (11 + 12) 23 times = 23 
D of 2 step (4 + 8) 12 times = 24 
D of 3 step (1 + 4) 5 times = 15 

D of 4 step (1 + 2) 3 times =12 
D of 5 step 1 time = 5 

79, which divided b- : n, 
which is 58, gives 1.36 of a step in either direction. 

A. D. = ±1.36 



Methods used in Child Psychology 357 

since the step is 1. Where the step is larger than 1, as 
in Illustration 1, when we get A. D. as 1.33 of a step, — as it 
may be found to be, — we see that 1.33 of the step 5 gives us 
A. D. ± 6.65. 

The A. D. can of course be found from the median or from 
the average just as well, though if we have a fine measure we 
shall be working with fractions of a step, since the deviations 
are not in integral multiples of a step. It will also be simpler 
not to work in both directions at once but to calculate the 
plus and minus deviations separately. Thus, in Illustration 
1, since the average is 71.8, the 9 measures scored 70 deviate 
by — 1.8, the 7 measures scored 75 deviate by + 3.2. We 
state the facts conveniently thus : 

On plus side, On minus side 

7 d's of 3.2 = 22.4 9 d's of 1.8 = 16.2 

4 d's of 8.2 = 32.8 5 d's of 6.8 = 34.0, etc., 

etc. etc. 

Then add and divide by ^$, the n, as before. 

With a central tendency that does not fall near the mid- 
point of the range the A. D. must always be given for each 
direction separately. Thus we might have a + A. D. of 2.5 
steps and a — A. D. of only .7 of a step if the mode came near 
the low end of a distribution. 

Exercises 

19. Find the A. D. from the mode in example 3 and example 6. 

20. Find the A. D. from the average in example 2. 

2 1 . Find the A . D . f rom the median in example 5 and example 1 5 . 

22. Verify the A. D. from the mode in Illustration 1. 

23. Draw a graph to illustrate the possibility stated in the para- 
graph just above. 

Median deviation. — Another measurement of the deviations 
which is frequently given is known as the P. E. what is the 
This is really the median deviation, i.e. the median PE? 
of the deviations of all the measures from any given central 



358 Psychology of Childhood 

tendency, or, in other words, the limits above and below 
the central tendency which will include 50 per cent of the 
measures. (The letters P. E. stand for the name "probable 
error," confusing because it isn't an error at all, but the diver- 
gences or differences considered as probable, as an even chance, 
on a fifty-fifty basis.) Just as the median is more quickly 
found than the average, so the median deviation is more easily 
obtained than the average deviation. List the deviations, in 
units of a step if possible, in each direction from the chosen 
central tendency beginning with the smallest, till half of n 
have been listed. Thus, to help the eye, the deviations from 
the average in Illustration 1 might be arranged thus : 

— 1.8 9 times 

7 times + 3.2 

— 6.8 5 times 

4 times + 8.2 
— 11.8 2 times 

3 times + 13.2 

Thus we see that 16 measures are passed with the 9 minus 
and the 7 plus deviations. One more will be the median 
deviation, falling at 6.8, the next largest deviation. P. E. 
is therefore 6.8. 

Exercises 

24. Find the P. E. from the mode, the median, and the average 
in example 3. 

25. Find the P. E. from the mode, the median, and the average 
in example 7. 

26. Find the P. E. from the median in example 9 and example 10. 

6. Comparison of groups. — Sixth. Having obtained a set 
of measures on one group of people we may very likely want to 
How may know how they compare with the same measures 
groups be on another group. For instance, how do the rat- 
compare ? j n g g 0Dta i ne( j m spelling in one school where a cer- 
tain method is used compare with the ratings obtained in 



Methods used in Child Psychology 359 

another school where a different method is used? The pro- 
cedure is to tabulate the ratings for each, note the range, the 
median, and the A. D. of each group. Now supposing school 
A gets a median score of 70, and school B gets a median score 
of 78, and remembering that the median is the 50 percentile, 
we look to see what percentage of school A reach or exceed a 
score of 78, the median of school B. Obviously, only a small 
per cent will. Evidently also, in reversing the statements to 
show what percentage of school B reach or exceed the median 
of school A, a score of 70, it would be a large percentage. In 
reading statements such as " 20 per cent of group X reached 
the median of group Y," we interpret readily that Y's per- 
formance was higher, that the median for Y was higher, that 
the ranges overlap, with Y's higher. 

Exercises 

27. 



28. 



Compare exampl 


e 6 with this table 




D 


1 




D + 


3 




C 


4 




c+ 


9 




B 


12 




B+ 


8 




A 


3 


Compare example 9 with this table 




lb. 






80 


1 




90 


1 




100 


4 




no 


8 




120 


n 




130 


5 




140 


2 



7. Measurement of resemblance or correlation. — Seventh. 
We need a convenient index of likeness. 



36.0 Psychology of Childhood 

Knowing something quantitatively about a given group of 
people, we may want to make a comparison with some other 
How may ability, trait, or performance in which they have been 
likeness be measured : (1) so as to discover any likeness or possi- 
measure j^ unlikeness between the two things measured. 
(2) We might want some guarantee that the possession of one 
ability was related to the possession of another ability, so that 
a person ranking above the C. T. of his group in the one would 
rank above it also in the other. Or (3) we might wish to dis- 
cover whether any cause operating to make one rank high in 
one thing tended to make one rank low in the other. Thus : 

(1) knowing ratings for spelling for a given school, how are 
they related to arithmetic ratings for the same children? 

(2) Is a person who is above the median for his group in 
quickness in memorizing above the median also for length of 
retention? (3) Does having more bad teeth than the aver- 
age go with being less bright in school-standing than the 
average ? 

This correlation, known as r, is expressed by a measure vary- 
ing from + 1. 00 through zero to — 1.00. Perfect correlation, 
or + 1. 00, would mean that the child getting the highest score 
in one got also the highest in the other — that the second best 
in one was second best in the other, and so on down to the 
worst in one being the worst in the other. Zero correlation 
would mean that there was no relationship whatever discover- 
able between the two sets of measures. Perfect inverse cor- 
relation of — 1. 00 would mean that the highest in the first 
ability was the lowest in the other — that the second highest 
in the first was the second lowest in the other, and so on down 
to the poorest in the first being the best in the other. Any r 
on the plus side means a degree of resemblance ; any r on the 
minus side means a degree of dissimilarity in relationship. 
The nearer any r is to zero the less relationship of any kind 
exists. Roughly, we expect correlation on the positive side 
between such measures as age and height of children ; it will 



Methods used in Child Psychology 361 

not be so high an r as -f 1.00 but it will be on the plus side 
certainly, since we add inches with years, so that the older 
members of a group are, on the whole, taller than the younger 
ones. Roughly we expect a zero correlation between height 
and shades of eye-color scaled on a tintometer, since we do not 
see what connection the two sets of facts might have. Roughly, 
we expect some negative correlation between age of gradua- 
tion and a general index of class standing ; for the older a child 
gets to be before leaving the eighth grade, presumably the less 
bright he is intellectually, and the lower class standing he has 
had. 

A correlation coefficient of .95 means then a very close re- 
semblance ; of .50, that it is half as great as it might be. Given 
the divergence of any individual from the central tendency of 
his group and an r of, say .58, between the measurements of 
that ability and the measurements of another, then we may 
expect his divergence from the central tendency in the other 
ability to be 58 hundredths of the amount of his divergence 
in the first ability, and in the same direction, above or below 
the central tendency as the case may be. An r of 1.00 would 
tell us he diverged equally far in the same direction ; — 1 .00, 
equally far in the opposite direction from the central tendency. 

The method of obtaining the r will not be shown here. 
Students wishing further information concerning it or other 
measures are referred to the books suggested below. 

Exercises 

29. What sort of r would you expect between height and weight ? 
Between accuracy of aim and speed, when first learning to hit a 
mark? Between memory for digits and discrimination of pitch 
of sounds? Between speed of reading and intellectual superi- 
ority? Between size of vocabulary and age? 

30. Criticize these remarks: (1) "They do poor work in that 
class ; only half the pupils came up to the average." (2) " They're 
just as good on the average so they must be alike." (3) "X gained 



362 Psychology of Childhood 

only 10 points since the last test, Y gained 20, so Y has done twice 
as well as X." 

31. Draw a graph to show normal distribution, mode and 
median coinciding. 

32. Draw a graph to show a skewed curve, the mode near the 
low end of the range. 

33. Draw two graphs superposed on the same range, the mode 
of one coinciding with its median, the mode of the other near the 
high end of the range. 

34. Draw two superposed graphs, their medians coinciding, 
the range of one wide, the range of the other narrow. 

35. Draw two superposed graphs, normal distribution, so that 
the median of one falls approximately at the — P. E. of the other. 





Formulae for Reference 




A ^W 

Average = — 
n 


n 


2 = sum of 
m = measures 


Median =- — - 
2 


P. E. =0.8453 A. D. 
References 


n = number 
d = deviations 



Thorndike, Mental and Social Measurements. 
Rugg, Statistical Methods Applied to Education. 



i.i .:' ! 



GLOSSARY 

A. J. P. American Journal of Psychology. 

A. P. L'Annee Psychologique. 

Adenoids. Enlargement or disease of the third tonsil. 

Adumbrated. Foreshadowed. 

iEsthetic emotions. Emotions that have to do with aesthetic judg- 
ments, feelings of beautiful, humorous, etc. 

Affective states. Feelings of pleasantness or unpleasantness accom- 
panying sensations and other mental states. 

Alternate inheritance. Resemblance to one parent exclusively in some 
trait. 

Amentia. Mental deficiency. 

Anaemia. Deficiency of blood. 

Animism. Belief that inanimate objects have a soul. 

Anthropomorphic. Attributing human form and characteristics to 
Deity. 

Apperception. Taking in and interpreting new material on the basis 
of the old. 

Asexualization. Rendering neuter, sterile. 

Astigmatism. A vision defect due to uneven curvature of the cornea 
or lens, causing uneven focus of light rays and varied brightness 
of objects. 

Asymmetry. Lack of symmetry. 

Atavistic. Reverting to remote ancestral traits. 

Atypical. Irregular, divergent from type. 

Automatization. Making habitual, mechanical. 

Average. The mean ; the sum of a series of measures divided by their 
number. 

Average deviation. The average of the divergences of all the measures 
from some central tendency. 

Blended inheritance. Resemblance to a mixture of the parents' traits. 

Calories. A unit of food value. (The heat required to raise i gram of 
water i degree centigrade.) 

363 



364 Glossary 

Carbohydrates. Foods containing 6 atoms of carbon, or a multiple 
of 6, hydrogen and oxygen in the proportion to form water. Usu- 
ally in the form of starches or sugars. 

Cephalic index. Ration of width to length of head. 

Chorea. " St. Vitus' dance " ; muscle twitchings and jerks. 

Chronological age. The time elapsed since birth. 

Coefficient of correlation. An index of resemblance. 

Coefficient of intellectual ability. Ratio of obtained score in a mental 
test to the norm for the age. 

Congenital. Existent from birth. 

Consanguinity. A close degree of blood relationship. 

Constructive imagination. Productive imagination which constructs 
according to directions objects the accuracy of which can be checked 
up. 

Cornea. The front part of the outer coat of the eyeball. 

Cortex. The gray matter of the brain on the outsides of the convolutions. 

Creative imagination. Productive imagination which is unhampered, 
unrestricted, " fancy-free." 

Cretinism. A clinical type of idiocy or imbecility due to lack of thyroid 
gland secretion. 

Dementia prsecox. An adolescent form of insanity. 

Desultory memory. Memory for unrelated, heterogeneous material. 

Distribution curve. A graphic representation of the grouping of a 

series of measures. 
Distribution table. The statistical form of presenting the grouping 

of a series of measures. 
Disuse. A method of modifying instincts and habits by withholding 

any stimulus which might bring about a response. 
Duration of attention. The length of time the attention is centered on 

a single stimulus. 

Empirically. By first hand, direct experience; by experiment. 
Eugenics. The science of improving offspring, of insuring good birth. 
Explicit judgment. An interpretation of experience in which the grounds 
for the inference are clearly expressed. 

Forced attention. Attention involving effort. 

Free attention. Attention given with no feeling of effort. 

Generic images. Imagery not of specific things but with only the 

generalized features of a class of things. 
Graph. A pictured or diagrammatic way of representing statistical facts. 



Glossary 365 

Hydrocephaly. A clinical type of physical and mental defect, char- 
acterized by too much fluid either between the membranes lining 
the skull or in the cavities of the brain itself. 

Hyperopia. A vision defect due to too short an eyeball to permit the 
light rays coming to focus on the retina. Long-sightedness. 

Hysteria. A nervous disease of adolescence. 

Idiot. The lowest range of aments, those needing complete physical 
care. See page 320. 

Illusion. A misinterpretation of sense experience, a false perception. 

Imbecile. The middle range of aments, those able to avoid physical 
danger, but unable to care for themselves economically, socially. 
See page 320. 

Implicit judgment. An interpretation of experience in which the 
grounds for the inference are used unreflectively, are presupposed. 

Inhibition. Interference with a nervous discharge by an opposing 
force. 

Intelligence Quotient. "I. Q." The ratio of mental age, as deter- 
mined by tests, to chronological age. 

J. Ed. P. Journal of Educational Psychology. 

Lalling. Mispronunciation of consonants. 

Larceny. Theft. 

Law of effect. If a response to a situation results in satisfaction, the 
tendency to respond similarly in future is strengthened. Con- 
versely, if a response results in discomfort, the tendency to respond 
similarly is thereby weakened. 

Law of exercise. The likelihood that a given response will be made to 
a given situation is in proportion to the frequency of its connection 
with the situation. 

Law of regression. The characteristics of offspring vary, not about 
the parental deviation, but about a point between that deviation 
and the mode for the whole population. 

Masochistic. Sexually excitable by experiencing pain or ill-treatment. 
Median. The point above and below which lie an equal number of 

measures. 
Median deviation. The median of the deviations of all the measures 

from the central tendency ; the limits above and below the central 

tendency which will include half the measures. 
Mendelian. According to Mendel's theory or law. See page 3. 



366 Glossary 

Microcephaly. A rare clinical type of ament characterized by a very 

small, peaked head. 
Mode. The most frequent measure. 
Molars. Double, grinding teeth. 
Mongolian. A clinical type of ament characterized by a facial resem- 

blance to the Mongolian race. ] 

Moron. The highest range of aments, handicapped mentally, socially, I 

and economically, but capable of working under supervision. 
Motor centers. Areas in the brain from which nerve impulses are sent 

out to the muscles. 
Motor images. Mental representations of being in motion passively, 

or of moving parts of the body. 
Myopia. A vision defect due to too long an eyeball to permit the light 

rays coming to focus on the retina. Shortsightedness. 

Negative correlation. Index of resemblance varying from o to —100, 

indicating inverse relationship. 
Neurasthenia. Nervous debility. 
Neurones. Nerves, consisting of fibrils called dendrites, a cell body, 

a fiber called the axone ending in fibrils called the end-brush. 
Neurone circuit. A chain of three types of neurones, those that receive 

impressions, the sensory; those that connect with various parts 

of the brain, the associative ; and those that move the muscles, the 

motor. 

Obliviscence. Forgetting. 

Ontogeny. The history of the development of an individual. 

Organism. A structure acting by means of organs ; roughly, any living 

plant or animal. 
Orgasm. Excitement and swelling. 

Ped. Sem. Pedagogical Seminary. 

Percept. Interpreted sense experience ; consciousness of things present 

to the senses. 
Phobia. Excessive fear of anything. 
Phylogenetic. Pertaining to the history of the development of the 

species. 
Phylum. The big branches of the animal or vegetable kingdoms. 
Plasticity. The condition of capability of change, neither too sudden 

nor too temporary. 
Plateau. A place in the practice curve more or less on the dead level, 

representing lack of measurable progress. 



Glossary 367 

Positive correlation. Index of resemblance varying from o to 100. 
Practice curve. The graphic representation of progress in learning. 

It shows a sharp slant at the beginning, one or several pleateaus, 

gradual flattening out to a level of efficiency. 
Predatory. Plundering, pillaging. 
Productive imagery. Images combined in new ways. 
Protozoa. One-celled animal organisms. 
Puberty. The age of sexual maturity. 
Pubescent. Relating to the beginning of puberty. 

Range of attention. The number of things that may be attended to, 

grasped, simultaneously. 
Recall. Reviving past experiences. 
Remote sensations. Those felt in the part of the body not directly 

moving ; e.g. in the eyes when walking. 
Resident sensations. Those felt in the part of the body that is acting ; 

e.g. in the hand when writing. 
Retention. Holding impressions so that they may be recalled. 
Retroactive inhibition. The influence of recent experiences on earlier 

ones making them less clear in memory. 
Rickets. A young children's disease involving crookedness of the long 

bones and swelling of their extremities. 

Sadistic. Sexually excitable by inflicting pain on others or watching 
it inflicted. 

Senescence. Growing old. 

Siblings. Offspring of the same parents, i.e. brother-brother relation- 
ship, or brother-sister, or sister-sister. 

Skatophilia. Undue interest in excretory processes, excitement there- 
from. 

Span of attention. See range. 

Stimulation. A method of developing instincts and habits by provid- 
ing extra situations to arouse the responses. 

Strabismus. Lack of balance in the muscles moving the eyes, causing 
squint, cross-eyes, etc. 

Sublimation. Changing the emotion connected originally with an in- 
stinctive response so that it is felt in other situations. 

Substitution. Changing the instinctive reaction to a situation. 

Tertiary. Third. 

Threshold. The point at which the intensity of a stimulus is sufficient 
to produce a sensation. 



368 Glossary 

Tics. Nervous twitching habits. 
Toxic. Poisonous. 

Trial and error. A method of learning in which successive attempts 
are made with no clear idea of their value or probable result. 

Voluntary attention. Attention given with a feeling of effort. 



INDEX 



Acquired traits, 6, 7. 

Action, 226, 242, 255. See Conduct, 
Physical activity. 

Addams, 223, 344. 

Adenoids, 122, 273, 278, 363. 

Adler, 344. 

Adolescents, degeneration of, 319; delin- 
quent, 239, 269, 333 ; imagination of, 155, 
158, 167; play of, 218; reading of, 158; 
reasoning of, 182 ; religious development 
of, 236, 252 f. 

Adopted sons, 8. 

Esthetic emotions, 87 f, 363. 

Affective states, chap. V, 363. 

Agassiz, 33. 

Age, chronological, 268; mental, 308, 325, 
326, 330; physiological, 268, 308. 

Age differences, in amentia, 326; in atten- 
tion, 100, 104 ; in chorea, 317 ; in collect- 
ing instinct, 53, 54; in desire for ap- 
proval, 66, 67 ; in fighting, 55 ; in growth, 
267 ; in imagination, 154, 168 ; in matur- 
ing, 44, 268; in memorizing, 132 ; in ob- 
servation, 1 26 f ; in physical troubles, 
334; in plasticity, 188; in play, 216 f; 
in precocity, 330; in reasoning, 170, 171, 
182 ; in retentiveness, 132, 133 ; in school 
periods, 138 f; in teeth changing, 291; 
in types of memory, 134. 

Allen, Wood, 344. 

Amentia, 321, 323, 363. 

Aments, 322 f. 

Analysis, 74, 92, 116, 179, 184, 305, 323. 

Ancestry, 1 f. 

Anger, 3r, 90, 9r. 

Apperception, 38, 115, 116, 127, 166, 167, 
238, 239, 363. 

Appleton, 207, 209, 344. 

Approval, 66 f, 81, 95, 248. 

Arithmetic scales, 341. 

Asexualization, 326, 363. 

Associations, 133, 141, 179, 323. 

Assurance, 144, 318. 

Astigmatism, 121, 363. 



Attention, chap. VI; breadth of, 104; 
and curiosity, no; duration of, 103; 
forced, 106 f ; habit of, 1 10 ; and habits, 
101, 104; and improvement, 203; and 
incentives, 109; and instinct, 97 f; in- 
tensity of, 102 ; and interest, 108 f ; and 
memorizing, 139, 140, 144 ; and observa- 
tion, 125 f; and perception, 114, 130; 
and play, 223; and practice, 104; range 
of, 99 ; and reasoning, 177 ; sensory, 105 ; 
spontaneous, 107; strain of, 106; of 
aments, 323; of five-year-olds, 288; of 
childhood, 248. 

Attention-getting, at eleven years, 301 ; at 
five years, 286. 

Auditory, defects, 122; images, 151. 

Average, 353 f ; return towards, 6. 

Average deviation, 356. 

Ayres, 259, 344. 

Ay res Spelling Scale, 341.* 

Backward children, 327. 

Bagley, in, 196. 

Baldwin, 16. 

Barnes, 339, 344. 

Barr, 313. 

Bibliographies, 343, 344. 

Bigelow, 79, 81. 

Binet, 16, 134, 339, 340, 342, 344. 

Binet tests, 325 ; for eleven-year-olds, 305 ; 

for five-year-olds, 289. 
Boas, 18, 20, 279. 

Bolton, 4, 33, 34, 35, 38, 40, 44, 58. 
Bonser,. 185, 186. 
Boys. See Sex differences. 
Brown, 184. 
Bryan, 44. 
Burbank, 18. 

Bureau of Education, 331. 
Burk, 26, 33, S3, 58. 
Burris, 5. 



Calories, 281, 291, 363. 
Cambridge plan, 333. 



2B 



369 



37° 



Index 



Central tendency, 350 f. 

Chamberlain, 344. 

Lhcnery, 344. 

Chicago system, 335. 

Child, at eleven, 190 f ; at five, 280 f . See 

Kindergarten, Stages of child life. 
Child study methods, 336. 
Child Welfare League, 345. 
Children's Bureau, 345. 
Choice, 224, 240, 245, 249, 251. 
Chorea, 317. 
Claparide, 346. 
Clinics, 250, 271, 278. 
Coe, 231, 235, 252, 257, 344. 
Coefficient, of ability, 325; of correlation, 

359- 
Collecting instinct, 26, 28, 30, 52 f, 55, 58, 

299- 
Color, 1, 2, 88, 113, 118, 126, 288, 289, 297. 
Color blindness, 1, 13, 122. 
Comparison of groups, 358. 
Competition. See Rivalry. 
Concepts, of God, 232, 246, 248; moral, 

248, 250; of number, 288, 304, 347; of 

space, 119, 288, 304; of time, 120, 288, 

304. 
Conduct, 226 f, 242, 253, 295, 304. 
Conradi, 272. 
Conversion, 253. 
Cooky, 71. 

Correlation, 268, 272, 359. 
Courtis tests, 341. 
Crampton, 268. 

Cretins, 322, 324, 326, 332, 364. 
Critical attitude, 179. 
Croswell, 218. 

Cruelty, 51, 62, 76, 257, 294. 
Culture epoch theory, 37, 38, 40, 236. 
Curiosity, 55, 57, no, 234, 247, 249, 250, 

284, 287, 302. 
Curtis, 46. 

Daniels, 252. 

Da Rocha, 16. 

Darwin, 34, 339. 

Daskam, 168. 

Dawson, 33, 344. 

Day-dreaming, 155, 158, 167, 254 f, 298, 

313, 316, 318, 319. 334- 
Defects, of hearing, 122, 274; of speech, 

272; of teeth, 271; of vision, 121. 
Definitions, 178, 290, 305. 
Delayedness of instincts, 26, 32, 39. 



Dementia, 321 ; dementia praecox, 319, 364. 

Development, 263 f, 267; of perception, 
112 f; of thinking, 170. 

Deviations, 35s f. 

Dewey, 83, 106, in, 128, 186, 344. 1 

Diagnosis, of amentia, 324; of epilepsy, 
315; of exceptional morality, 313; of 
hysteria, 316; of lack of progress, 201; 
of neurasthenia, 318; of superior in- 
telligence, 329; of tuberculosis, 275. 

Disease, 258, 272, 274, 276. 

Display, 66, 80. 

Disposition, 2, 190, 260. 

Distribution curves, 348; tables, 348 f, 
364- 

Disuse, 30. 

Dolbear, 312, 334. 

Doll play, 60, 208, 285, 297. 

Dramatization, 157, 164, 168, 209, 211, 
218, 251, 252, 285. 

Effect, law of, 47, 91, 92, 104, 191 f, 198, 
211, 240, 282, 365. 

Eleven-year-olds, instincts, 298 f ; mentally, 
303 ; morally, 294 ; physically, 290 ; play 
life, 297 ; school standards for, 305 ; 
socially, 292; tests for, 305; weight 
variation, 259. 

Ellis, Havelock, 4, 11, 13, 15, 328. 

Embryology, 34. 

Emotions, control of, 91 f ; and dramatics, 
165; and instincts, 89; observation of, 
96. 

Emulation, 68 f, 287, 302. 

England, 121, 228, 306 f, 321, 333. 

Environment. See Heredity. 

Epilepsy, 16, 315. 

Eugenics, 326, 334, 364. 

Exceptional children, chap. XVI; clas- 
sified, 311, mentally, 320 f; morally, 
311 f; provision for, 331; treatment of, 
314,326,330. 

Exercise, law of, 47, 91, 104, 191 f, 211, 
241 f, 365- 

Exercises or field-work for students, 20, 
57, 80, 95, 129, 167, 184, 203 f, 222, 256, 
277, 308, 333, 349 f. 357 f, 361. 

Experimental method, 340. 

Fear, 28, 36, 93 f, 162, 234, 245, 286, 299. 
Feebleminded. See Aments. 
Fighting, 28, 54 f, 58, 80, 90, 284, 286, 
300. 



Index 



37i 



Fisher, 344. 

Five-year-olds, instincts, 286; mentally, 
287; morally, 283; physically, 280; 
play life, 284 ; socially, 281 ; tests for, 289. 

Food, at eleven years, 291 ; at five years, 
281. See Nutrition. 

Food-getting, 49 f, 286, 299. 

Forbush, 257, 344, 346. 

Foster, 344. 

France, 306 f, 332. 

Frequency, law of. See Exercise, Repeti- 
tion. 

Freud, 133. 

Fundamental to accessory, 43 f, 58. 

Gallon, 2, 4, 8, 9, 20. 

Games, see Play. 

Gang instinct, 26, 65, 67, 81, 85, 218, 248, 

251, 257, 296, 300. 
Genius, 4, 8, 311, 328, 330. 
Germany, 306 f, 332. 
Gesell, 46, go, no, 344. 
Girls. See Sex differences. 
Goddard, 325, 334, 344, 351. 
Graphs, 199, 348 f, 362, 364. 
Gregariousness, 63 f, 234, 300. See Gang. 
Griffing, 99. 
Groos, 207. 
Growth, factors in, 263; of parts, 267; 

rate of, 265. 
Gruenberg, 344. 
Gulick, 344. 

Habit, chap. XI; and attention, 101, 104, 
no ; breaking of, 195, 203 ; in early child- 
hood, 190; forming of, 187 f; hygienic, 
204; and imitation, 72, 73; laws of, 191 
f, 240, 241; moral, 226, 283; muscular, 
201; posture, 261; precepts of, 192 f; 
and reasoning, 171, 186; and religion, 
233; of religious observance, 246, 251; 
social, 283, 296; spasms, 317. 

Habitation instinct, 60, 285, 299. 

Hall, G. Stanley, 33, 43, 90, 93, 115, 128, 
130, 132, 168, 207, 208, 223, 339, 344. 

Hall, W. S., 344- 

Hancock, 45. 

Harrison, 344. 

Harvard Newton Scale, 341. 

Health, 258 f. 

Height, chart, 277; growth in, 265; of 
eleven-year-olds, 290; of 6ve-year-olds, 
280; inheritance of, 263. 



Heredity, chap. I; and amentia, 323; and 
defects, 260, 263 ; and dementia praecox, 
320 ; and environment, 8 f ; and epilepsy, 
315; family, 1 f, 238; and moral status, 
n, 313; and neurasthenia, 318; and 
physical development, 263; racial, 13 f; 
and superior intelligence, 329. 

Heymans, 9, 12. 

High school, 16, 25, 27, 40, 54, 68, 81, 
89, 104, 129, 138, 140, 147, 195, 239, 
268. 

Hillegas, 341. 

His, 34. 

Hoag, 279. 

Hodge, 257. 

Hogan, 344. 

Hollingworth, 313. 

Holt, 344- 

Honor, 292, 294, 895. 

Hydrocephaly, 322, 323, 365. 

Hygienic conditions, 264, 270; habits, 204, 
276, 278, 283. 

Hyperopia, 121, 365. 

Hysteria, 316, 365. 

Idiots, 320, 326, 327. 

Illusions, 117, 303, 365. 

Imageless thought, 153. 

Imagery, chap. IX; auditory, 151; chil- 
dren's v. adults, 150 f; in early years, 
154; kinesthetic, 153; and mistakes, 
151 ; number of, 164; and percepts, 151, 
159 f; productive, 156; reproductive, 
iS4, 303 ; and secondary connections, 
149; types of, 150; verbal, 152; visual, 
150; vividness of, 159. 

Imaginary companions, 163. 

Imagination, in adolescence, 157; con- 
structive, 145, 157, 158, 161, 165, 168, 
303, 364; creative, 155, 156, 168, 282, 
303, 323, 364; in dementia praecox, 319; 
and dramatization, 164, 168, 282, 284 ; 
in early childhood, 154; of eleven-year- 
olds, 293, 303 ; and fear, 162 ; of five-year- 
olds, 282, 286, 288; and hysteria, 316; 
and lies, 160; and memory, 134, 144, 
159; in middle childhood, 157; aQ d 
neurasthenia, 318; in play, 222; and 
reading, 157, 293; and symbolism, 166; 
and sympathy, 62. 

Imbeciles, 320, 326, 327. 

Imitation, 70 f, 81, 175, 190, 217, 240, 248, 
285, 287. 



372 



Index 



Immorality, 227, 22g, 230. 

Improvement, 196 f, 273. See Practice. 

Inaccuracy, 176 f, 144. 

Incentives, 86, 95, 109. See Reward, Law 
of effect. 

Individual differences, in aesthetics, 86; 
causes of, 5 ; in control of emotions, 89 ; 
in fears, 286; general, 13; in imagery, 
150; in information, 298; in memory 
type, 303 ; in moral instruction, 243 ; in 
originality, 73; in perception, 125; in 
religious awakening, 253 ; in sex develop- 
ment, 77 ; in teeth, 291 ; in thinking, 171. 

Infants, 23, 26, 44, 46, 47, 49, 52, 55, 61, 
63, 66, 94, 112, 113, 118, 170, 188, 189, 
190, 208, 209, an, 217, 264, 339. 

Inheritance, basis of, 21; specific, 3 f; 
study of, 20; types of, 2. See Heredity. 

Inhibition, of action, 284, 295 ; of instincts, 
30 f ; of thinking, 172. 

Insanity, 319, 321. 

Instincts, and affective states, chap. V; 
and attention, 97 f; attributes of, 23 f; 
at eleven years old, 298 f ; and emotions, 
89 f ; at five years old, 286; modification 
of, 29 f; and morals, 229; non-social, 
chap. Ill; and religion, 234; resulting 
in action, chs. Ill, IV; resulting in 
mental states, chs. VI, VII, VIII, IX, 
X ; social, chap. IV. See Original nature, 
Heredity. 

Intelligence, and morality, 224; quotient, 
(I.Q.) 326, 330, 365. 

Interest, and attention, 108 f; changes in, 
248; and improvement, 199; and learn- 
ing, 143; in language, 252, 298, 304; in 
novelty, 28. 

Introspection, 231, 236, 247, 251, 255, 311, 
336 f. 

Ireland, 321. 

James, 19, 27, 40, 41, 70, 94, 109, 113, 196, 

204, 205, 230. 
Johnson, 223, 344. 
Judgments, 14, 164, 177, 244. 

Kansas test, 341. 

Kerschensteiner, 330. 

Kindergarten, 26, 30, 45, 46, 65, 70, 81, 

86, 104, 154, 166, 175, 185, 22i, 285, 

339- 
Kindliness, 60 f, 80, 81, 234, 302. 
King, 344. 



Kirkpatrick, 40, 48, 49, 54, 70, 94, 168, 247, 

281, 294, 309, 344. 
Kline, 52. 

Lalling, 323, 366. 

Laynarck, 7. 

Lancaster, 252, 344. 

Language, development of, 46 f; foreign, 

136, 306 f; interest in, 218, 252, 303; 

scales, 342. 
Leadership, 226. 
Learning, 137, 138, 142. 
Lee, 223, 344. 
Leuba, 252. 
Lies, 160 f, 248, 282. 
Literature on childhood, 336, 343. 
Lobsien, 134, 135. 
Lukens, 344. 

MacCunn, 96. 

McDougall, 55, 64, 68, 71, 81, 90, 208. 

McGhee, 218. 

McKeever, 344, 346. 

Malnutrition, 274. 

Mangold, 344, 346. 

Manipulation, 40, 48, 98, 130, 170, 188, 
217, 285, 287. 

Maternal instinct, 59. 

Maturity, 103, 268. 

Mayo, 15. 

Measurements, 346 f. 

Median, 16,351^365. 

Median deviation, 357, 365. 

Memorizing, 132, 138 f, 146, 193, 195, 249. 

Memory, chap. VIII; and attention, 144; 
desultory, 136; at eleven years old, 303, 
304 ; at five years old, 288 ; and imagina- 
tion, 144; immediate, 131; logical, 146; 
meaning of, 131 ; varieties of, 134 f. 

Mendel, 3, 20. 

Mental age, 325, 326, 330. 

Methods of child study, chap. XVII. 

Meumann, 119, 120, 124, 126, 130, 132, 
134, 198. 

Meyer, 320. 

Microcephaly, 321, 322, 323, 366. 

Migratory instinct, 28, 299. 

Miller, 186. 

Mind's set, 116, 130, 139. 

Mode, 350, 366. 

Moll, 75, 78, 81, 270, 287, 344. 

Mongolians, 321, 322, 323, 366. 

Monroe, 120. 



Index 



373 



Montessori, 124, 285. 

Moral, defectives, 311 ; development at 
eleven years old, 294; development at 
five years old, 282; environment, n; 
training, 224, 225, 226, 227, 220, 230, 
236 f. 

Morality, and heredity, 11, 313; and in- 
stinct, 229 ; and religion, 234. See chap. 
XIII. 

Morons, 320, 326, 327. 

Motives, 31, 50, 53, 68, 69, 70, 81, 85, 86, 
91, 95. 109, 140, 237, 241, 245, 293, 
333- 

Mutnford, 344. 

Muscular habits, 45, 188, 190, 201, 204. 

Myers, 341. 

Myopia, 121, 366. 

National Child Labor Committee, 345. 
National Child Welfare League, 345. 
Neighborhood observation, 222. 
Nervous disorders, 315 f. 
Netschajeff, 134, 135. 
Neurasthenia, 318. 

Neurones, 21, 22, 84, 97, 141, 281, 366. 
Norsworthy, 96, 205, 321, 344. 
Number, 288, 347. 
Nutrition, 264, 274 f, 279. 

Observation, and attention, 129; develop- 
ment of, 126 f; and imagination, 157; 
lessons, 128 ; methods, 338 f ; and reason- 
ing, 176; training in, 123, 125, 127. 

Observations, directions for students : ad- 
ministration of tests, 334 ; attention and 
observation, 129; defects of eyes and 
ears, 129; dramatic imagination, 167; 
emotions, 96; fighting instinct, 50; 
habits in writing, 204; instinctive be- 
havior, 81 ; local institutions, 333 ; 
mistakes, 167; neighborhood, 222; 
physical conditions, 278; play, 222. 

Odum, 16. 

Oppenheim, 96. 

Original nature, chap. II; and activity, 
42 ; and approval, 66 ; and attention, 
97 f ; characteristics of, 23 ; and emotions, 
82, 91 ; and imagination, 149 ; and 
memory, 131; and religion, 236; and 
thinking, 169. See Heredity, Instincts, 
Secondary connections. 

O'Shea, 47, 58, 344- 

Ownership, 52, 60, 292. 



Paralysis, 322, 323, 336. 

Partridge, 346. 

Pearson, 2, 4, 9, 12, 312. 

Pease, 309. 

Perception, chap. VII; development of, 

112 f, 130; and imagery, 160, 161; 

training of, 123. 
Periods in school, 104, 138, 139, 308. 
P erring, 15. 
Physical activity, 42, 46, 49, 5 5, 57, 65, 85, 

165, 215, 217, 218, 251, 256, 284 f. 
Physical development, chap. XIV; of 

eleven-year-olds, 290; of five-year-olds, 

280. 
Physiological age, 268, 308. 
Pillsbury, 26, 89, in. 
Pintner and Pater son, 342. 
Plasticity, 24, 131, 187 f, 366. 
Plateau, 200, 201, 204, 366. 
Play, chap. XII; changes in, with aga, 

28, 216, 217; educational value of, 215, 

219; at eleven years old, 297; at five 

years old, 284; and games, 211 f; and 

instincts, 58 ; introspection of, 222 ; 

muscle use in, 45 ; observation of, 222 f ; 

spirit, 215, 223; supervision of, 220 f; 

and teasing, 51; theories of, 206 f; and 

work, 212. 
Pohlman, 134, 143. 
Porter, 259. 

Practice, 102, 104, 119, 193, 196 f. 
Practice curve, 200 f, 367. 
Precocity, 328, 331. 
Preyer, 339, 344. 
Primacy, law of, 194, 195. 
Primitive man, 18. 

Probable error. See Median deviation. 
Problem giving, 173, 183, 225, 251, 254. 

314, 310. 
Promotions, 333. 
Pufer, 65, 81, 257. 
Punishment, 31, 55, 68, 77, 92, 95, 161, 174, 

191, 193, 233, 240, 246, 249, 282. 
Punnet, 3. 
Pyie, IS, 334, 344- 

Quarreling, 248, 257. 
Questionnaire method, 337 f, 345. 
Questions, 78, 125, 14s, 173 f, 183, 247, 252, 

255; 287. 

Questions for class discussion, 20, 40, 58, 
81, 96, in, 130, 147, 168, 186, 223, 230, 
236, 257, 308, 334. 



374 



Index 



Racial differences, 13 f, 25, 223, 228. 
Range, 310, 347. See Attention. 
Readiness of neurones, 22, 83, 84, 97, 209, 

211. 
Reading, 295. See Stories. 
Reasoning, chap. X; in adolescence, 26, 

182; of aments, 323; and analysis, 179, 

180; and attention, 177; in childhood, 

248; and critical attitude, 179; in early 

years, 170; at eleven years old, 304; 

examples of, 184; inaccuracy of, 176 f; 

inhibition of, 172 f; and organization, 

178; training in, 183, 186. 
Recall, 140, 141, 142, 143, 148. 
Recapitulation theory, 32 f. 
Recency, 139, 191, 194. 
Reflexes, 22, 44. 
Regression, 6. 
Religion, discussion of, 297 ; essentials of, 

232 f; ideals in, 233; and instincts, 234; 

intellectual features of, 232; and mo- 
rality, 234. See chap. XIII. 
Religious, emotions, 232; instruction, 244, 

249, 252, 257; tendency, 230 f; training, 

235 f- 
Repetition, 134, 140 f, 147, 191, 193 f, 222, 

242, 284. 
Reports, 125, 144, 145, 160, 339. 
Resemblance, measurement of, 359; to 

parents, 1 f ; of twins, 9. 
Responsibility, for health, 260 f ; individual, 

249, 251, 254- 
Retardation, 15, 274, 278, 327. 
Retention, 131 f, 137, 288, 304, 367. 
Retroactive inhibition, 129. 
Reward, 31, 32, 47, 60, 175, 192, 193, 194, 

204, 249, 282. 
Rhythm, 88, 120, 143, 147, 218, 222, 284, 

297- 304. 
Rickets, 275, 324, 367. 
Rivalry, 68 f, 81, 140, 208, 218, 252, 287, 

297, 302. 
Romanes, 34. 
Rose, 291. 

Rowe, 15, 16, 205, 344. 
Rugg, 362. 

Rusk, 121, 135, 148, 341, 344. 346. 
Russell Sage Foundation, 345. 

Sandiford, 118. 

Satisfiers, 82 f, 93, 94, 95, 97, 106, 113, 

149, 170, 194, 216, 234. 
Scales, Binet, 325, 342; list of, 341, 342; 



Pintner and Paterson, 342; Yerkes, 
325, 342. 

School standards for eleven-year-olds, 
30s f. 

Scoring, 347 f. 

Secondary connections, 97, 98, 106, 131, 
149, 169, 234. 

Self control, 57, 249, 295, 304, 316, 319. 

Sense, defects, 121 f, 129, 315, 324; dis- 
crimination, 119, 124, 289; organs, 112 f, 
120; perception, 246. See chap. VII. 

Sex antagonism, 294. 

Sex differences, in chorea, 317; in color 
blindness, 13, 122; at eleven years old, 
290, 291, 297; at five years old, 281, 
290; in general, 11 f, 20; in height, 
265; in instincts at eleven, 299, 300, 
302; in lung development, 269; in 
maturing, 77, 251, 255, 268, 270; in 
memory, 135; in motherly behavior, 
59; in play, 285, 297; in religion, 248, 
251 ; in reporting, 126; in spitting, 276; 
in weight, 265. 

Sex instinct, 26, 37, 55, 74 f, 236, 270, 301, 
312, 326; at eleven years old, 301; at 
five years old, 287. 

Sex instruction, 77 f, 81, 250, 256, 301. 

Sheldon, 65. 

Shepardson, 44, 45. 

Shinn, 339, 344. 

Sisson, 339. 

Skill, 299. See Muscular habits. 

Skin sensitivity, 119. 

Slattery, 252, 257, 344. 

Slaughter, 33, 252, 344. 

Sleep, 262, 275, 281, 291. 

Smedley, 134, 143, 277. 

Smith, 155, 168. 

Social, development, 281 f, 292 f; good, 
227; habits, 240 f; instincts, chap. rV; 
intercourse, 319; standards, 228. 

Sound, 119. 

Space, 118, 288, 304. 

Speech, defects of, 272; development of, 
46 f. 

Spencer, 206. 

Squint, 121, 367. 

Stages of child life, 244 f, 256. 

Stanford revision, 289, 305, 325, 342. 

Starbuck, 252, 344. 

Stern, 126,331, 339. 

Stigmata, 322. 

Stimulation, 30. 



Index 



375 



Stone, 341. 

Stories, 36, 37, 89, 93, 158, 161, 162, 168, 

209, 242, 248, 250, 285, 293, 295, 296, 

298. 
Storm and stress, 253. 
Strabismus, 121. 
Strayer, 96, 205. 
Sublimation, 31 f, 57, 367. 
Subnormal intelligence, 320 f. 
Substitution, 31, 40, 367. 
Suggestibility, 80, 125, 145, 323. 
Suggestion, 145, 240, 248, 283. 
Sully, 186, 344. 

Sunday school, 166, 237, 238, 239, 242, 269. 
Supernormal intelligence, 328 f. 
Superstition, 248, 296. 
Swift, 65, 344. 
Symbolism, 166, 168, 250. 
Sympathy, 32, 53, 61, 62, 81, 91. 
Systematization of thought, 127, 178 f, 

184. 

Table manners, 58, 204, 283, 296. 

Tables, 278. 

Talking, 37, 46 f. 

Tanner, 344. 

Taylor, 344. 

Teasing, 51, 58, 80, 248, 302. 

Teeth, 271, 275, 281, 291. 

Terman, 130, 262, 272, 273, 276, 279, 291, 

325, 330, 344- 
Tests, Binet, 325; for eleven years, 305; 

for five years, 289; giving of, 334, 342 f ; 

intelligence, 324; Yerkes, 325. 
Thompson, 12, 20. 
Thomson, 7, 20. 
Thorndike, 7, 9, 13, 17, 19, 20, 28 f, 35, 38, 

40, 42, 50, 54, 58, 67, 71, 81, 83, 84, 90, 

93, 96, 98, 119, 170, 191, 196, 197, 210, 

337, 34i. 342, 344, 350, 362. 
Thought, chap. X; amount of, 171 f; 

inaccuracy of, 176 f; and imagery, 153; 

results of, 181 ; training of, 183. 
Thyroid, 266, 324. See Cretins. 
Tics, 317. 

Time sense, 120, 282, 288, 303. 
Titchener, 159. 
Tonsils, 273. 
Trabue, 341, 342. 



Training, of aesthetic pleasure, 89; of 
attention, no; of exceptional children, 
314, 316, 317, 319, 326, 330; of imagery, 
152 f, 157; of instincts, 29 f, 49, 53, 56, 
61, 70, 73, 77, 86; moral, 236 f ; in obser- 
vation, 123, 127; religious, 235 f; in 
thinking, 183 f. See Habit, Incentives, 
Motives. 

Transitoriness of instincts, 27 f, 32 f, 40. 

Transfer of training, 128, 147, 243. 

Travis, 344. 

Tredgold, 313, 321, 323, 334. 

Trial and success, 48, 201, 368. 

Tuberculosis, 275, 331. 

Twins, 5, 9. 

Tyler, 263, 279, 309, 344. 

Units in scoring, 349. 
Utility theory, 38. 

Variability, in growth, 267; measurement 
of, 355 f; in moral standards, 228; of 
responses, 25 ; of sexes, 13. 

Variation, law of, 5, 6. 

Visual defects, 121, 129. 

Vocabulary, 48, 289, 305, 339, 342. 

Vocalization, 40, 46 f, 188, 217. 

Walking, 7, 42, 322. 

Warner, 259. 

Weight, 259, 265, 280, 290. 

Weismann, 7. 

Wessely, 136. 

Whipple, 100, 118, 130, 136, 144, 148, 339, 

344, 346. 
Wiersma, 9, 12, 13. 
Wile, 257. 
Winch, 344. 
Wood Allen, 344. 
Woods, 10, 11, 20, 312. 
Woods Hutchinson, 344. 
Wood-worth, 14. 
Woody, 341. 
Work. See Play. 
Writing, 143, 204, 278, 342. 

Yerkes, 325, 342. 

Ziehen, 119. 



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